2017 – Istražujem za M(e)NE I EU! Archives - Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore

Despite his excellent English, Montenegrin Businessman Dragan Buric has been having trouble explaining to his American partners and friends why – until recently – he had been unable to start a project in which he invested 13 million euros in Montenegro.

It was because of – electricity. The project, to build stables and dairies was supposed to mean that 60,000 liters of milk would start flowing each day last March. But, administrative problems in the municipality of Bijelo Polje over the supply of water and power to the site, got in the way.

“I tell them that Montenegro is just a baby that has not even started crawling and we are nursing it … Slowly, it will learn to walk, and soon enough, to walk properly,” this Honorary Montenegrin Consul in Panama says.

The new stables and hangers in the huge complex in Pavino Polje, on the road between Bijelo Polje and Pljevlje, remain empty. Were it not for guards and some newly set-up power transformers – and the mast with the flag of Montenegro – it might look like an abandoned film set.

During 2015 and 2016, these buildings really were a set for frequent TV reports, however.

They were the backdrop to the promotion the large loan project for the development of agriculture in Montenegro, which the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development, ADFD, was backing with 50 million US dollars.

Before the then Minister of Agriculture, Petar Ivanovic, brought the cameras and diplomats from Abu Dhabi, Buric and his company, Milkraft, had already bought the land, secured the permits and erected the buildings for a future modern farm, with 420 cows, milking and calving machines.

The ministry signed an agreement loaning Buric 3 million dollars late in 2015. Completion of works was announced for 2016 – and production was to start last March.

Eight more companies were financed from the 50-million-dollar loan that the Abu Dhabi Fund granted the Montenegrin government in June 2015.

Announced with much fanfare, the loan was intended mostly for big players in the market, as they were expected to drive the development of the Balkan country’s otherwise fragmented agriculture system.

However, even when money, ideas and entrepreneurs were ready, collisions with administrative barriers, messy plan documents and the modest capacities of the local communities created problems, according to research by CIN-CG/BIRN.

This caused delays and unnecessary costs related to the postponement of production and the storing of equipment.

The debts of some of the companies meanwhile increased, due to exchange rate differences, as the result of the US dollar strengthening.

It turned out that, even with the help of loans of 1 to 3 million dollars – even after investing significant sums themselves – when it comes to agriculture, Montenegro still does not have sufficiently good ideas and entrepreneurs to realise big projects over a short period of time.

By June of last year, 23 of the 50 million dollars had been handed out in loans.

The government then decided to separate the Fund from the Agriculture Ministry and to place it under the jurisdiction of an Investment Development Fund.

The conditions for obtaining loans were also changed, so that small farmers could take part as well.

But all the information on the loans remains a secret, including the findings of the internal and external auditors.

While the new credit line is awaited, through the Investment Development Fund, experts are divided about the initial strategy – whether supporting major companies was correct, and whether the conditions of the loans should have been tailored to them or to smaller producers.

Contracts kept under a veil of secrecy

potpisivanje, foto: Vlada CG — photo: Vlada CG

Agriculture remains underdeveloped and fragmented in Montenegro, which is estimated to have as many as 49,000 small farms.

The intention of taking the loan from the Abu Dhabi Fund was to provide incentives for export and employment in the farming sector, especially in the undeveloped north of the country.

http://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/ivanovic-obecao-2000-novih-radnih-mjesta-u-poljoprivredi-836726

Although the board of directors of the Fund seated in Abu Dhabi offered Montenegro a loan in June 2014, the government wanted first to negotiate a cut in the interest rate and a longer repayment period.

The agreement, therefore, was not signed until June 2015, under more favourable conditions – with an interest rate of 2.5 per cent, a grace period of four years and a repayment period of 17 years.

By the middle of 2017, the government had signed contracts with 11 companies for projects worth 23.2 million US dollars.

Only nine of the 11 them actually got any money; two did not get loans after the government conducted additional checks.

However, according to the government itself, by halfway through last year, only one of the nine companies, Vektra Jakic, which got a loan to produce wooden fuel bricks, had actually started production.

The loan terms favoured larger companies, which were asked to invest 25 per cent of their own funds for loans up to 3 million US dollars.

The specific conditions under which these loans were granted to various companies are unknown, however, because the individual agreements are not publicly available.

That is why it cannot be proven whether some companies violated the loan conditions, or whether they are running late with implementation.

The Ministry of Agriculture, now run by Milutin Simovic, has refused to show the contracts and accompanying documentation.

“The Investment Development Fund is in charge of the project, so they [the ministry staff] do not have the requested information,” it said.

Meanwhile, the Investment Development Fund rejected CIN-CG/BIRN’s request for information on the contracts, saying that “giving them [to the public] would have an adverse effect on the commercial and other interests of both the Fund and other contractual parties”.

Milorad Vujovic, Deputy Prime Minister at the time, from the ranks of the opposition, says he also failed to see the master agreement and its annexes, agreements and mortgage securities, despite asking to see them.

“Declaring these documents secret is … illegal because they do not meet any of the requirements of the Law on Secrecy of Information, and such a decision of the Investment Development Fund would have to be disputed before the Administrative Court,” he said.

He said he also suspected that the information was “deliberately made unavailable to hide the illegal use of funds from the public”.

However, the former Agriculture Minister, Petar Ivanovic, from the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists, DPS, claims the process of selecting companies was entirely transparent.

He says they received 32 applications and rejected more than half of them, because the companies - instead of applying for new and development projects – applied for a loan to repay previous debts or solve liquidity issues, which was not in line with project goals.

No power flowing – but interest rates rising

Drustvo — Milkraft, Pavino polje, photo: Savo Prelević

Some of the nine companies that were financed faced serious difficulties in the municipalities where they operated from the start.

Some of the projects are now in the final stage, while others are thinking of abandoning the loans because of the high interest rates they are paying due to the currency’s unfavourable exchange rate.

In the municipality of Bijelo Polje, Dragan Buric, owner of Milkraft, says he faced unresolved property-legal relations, there were no water connections, and he waited a year for the electricity connection.

He lost both time and, with each passing month, tens of thousands of euros of “hard-earned” money.

“I want to make something for Montenegro and I am greatly affected by what has been happening,” Buric told CIN-CG/BIRN at the seat of his company, GNC, in Podgorica.

He says he decided to invest in agriculture even though it is the most difficult sector of the economy.

“Serious companies did an analysis and a business plan, and estimated that the north of the country was best for this. When I saw Pavino Polje, I felt that was it,” he said.

The municipality of Bijelo Polje and the Ministry of Agriculture have confirmed that problems occurred in the realisation of this project, but say they have since been rectified. Buric himself now hopes that his dairy farm will be up and running by summer.

But it is not just electricity and water that have created problems for Buric. While he waited to start production, the US dollar rose in value.

When the companies took out loans indexed in dollars, their owners did not expect to lose tens of thousands of euros due to the rise in the dollar in just one year.

Milkraft is paying 70,000 euros in interest per year as it is, during the grace period. Because of exchange rate changes, he claims that he has already lost an additional 50,000 euros.

Cedomir Popovic, director of the company Carine, which is the sole owner of the company AgroCarine, also complains about the exchange rate changes.

“The amount of the principal debt went up from an initial 2.5 million US dollars to 2.56 million … So, in a year and a half, the negative exchange rate differences amount to about 60,000 dollars, or 51,000 euros,” Popovic said.

He now wonders whether such a loan agreement in the long run is profitable.

When the loan agreement was signed, he said, it was acceptable, given the interest rate and repayment period for his loan, which was set at 16 years, with a three-year grace period.

For now, despite the difficulties, Popovic says his company is settling its liabilities under the loan from the Abu Dhabi Fund. But the future is uncertain.

“It will soon be possible to get a loan under the same conditions with commercial banks, and without the risk of negative exchange rate differences, so the possibility of withdrawing from this loan agreement is not ruled out,” he said.

Dilemma of supporting big or small businesses

ivanovic — Petar Ivanović, photo: Vlada CG

Although the decision was made to transfer the project from the Ministry of Agriculture in the middle of last year, the Investment Development Fund says it is still in the take-over, analysis and agreement phase with the Abu Dhabi Fund, surrounding the realisation of the loan.

However, it is known that the loan conditions will change and that the minimum size of a loan, now set at a million US dollars, will fall to 200,000 dollars.

http://www.gov.me/sjednice_vlade_2016/30

The government said the change reflects a wish to secure “a considerably wider scope of users”, and to adjust the conditions to loans’ “real absorption capacity”.

This is interpreted as an admission that the initial loan conditions overestimated the potential of Montenegro’s farmers.

Former Minister Ivanovic, under whose mandate the Fund was formed, still believes it was right to back bigger projects, which would then clear the path for smaller ones like icebreakers.

He doubts that small producers can spearhead the development of Montenegrin agriculture, manage the currency risks or provide guarantees for loans easily.

“Nowhere in the world are small producers driving agriculture forward. Whether someone likes it or not, this can only be done by the major players,” he said.

But, according to the agriculturalist Zeljko Vidakovic, the new concept is a better one. The loan from the Abu Dhabi Fund could have been a good locomotive had it been directed towards “ordinary farmers,” he believes.

However, he fears that Montenegrin agriculture is in such a poor condition that the new loan terms will also be difficult to fulfill, because they are still a stiff test for small producers.

“If you take a loan of 100,000 euros, you will have to provide guarantees worth 150,000, or usually 200,000, euros, so the collateral will always be 50 to 100 per cent of the value of the loan,” he noted.

“I fear that it would be a business barrier, exactly because of the collateral. Only a few farmers have high-value real estate in their villages, which they could mortgage,” Vidakovic added.

He says Montenegro needs a proper Agricultural Fund first. This would provide the guarantees for the farmers, and assess whether their pledged property is of any value.

It would also monitor any possible misappropriation of the funds, “so that the money does not go on buying cars, instead of tractors”.

Fund works in region as well as in Montenegro

The Abu Dhabi Fund is a state agency of the emirate, which mostly provides loans for financing economic and social projects throughout the world.

Apart from aiding development projects in agriculture, the Fund loaned 130 million US dollars to a water supply project in Montenegro.

https://www.adfd.ae/english/Countries/Pages/countrydetails_new.aspx?104

It funds similar projects in Serbia and Albania.

Some are content with their loans

At the end of November, CIN-CG/BIRN visited Mesopromet in Bijelo Polje, which got 3 million US dollars from the ADFD loan to modernise and expand its production of cured meats and fermented sausages.

Lejla Haskovic, from Mesopromet, said the funds had been used to get equipment and, in part, to finance permanent working capital.

“We are completely happy with the realisation of the contract as well as with the terms of the loan. The company invested 2 million euros of its own capital,” Haskovic said.

Agro Carine, from Podgorica, claims that, apart from the difficulties over the dollar exchange rate, no problems have arisen over the realisation of its project.

Up to now, they say they have built a restaurant for product tasting, procured agricultural machines and reconstructed the facilities for housing and farming sheep and hay.

A dairy still has not been built, nor has the water tank of 400 cubic meters, but they have been slowed down only by the short construction season.

By mid 2017, nine projects had received backing as part of the Abu Dhabi Project: Agro Carine, Vektra Jakic, Mesopromet, HM Durmitor, Milkraft, Eko-per, F.M.L., MI Goranovic and IM Gradina.

A government document, however, confirms that only one of them, Vektra Jakic, completed all works by the middle of last year.

http://www.gov.me/sjednice_vlade_2016/30

Ana KOMATINA

Na medijskoj sceni u Crnoj Gori postoji jedna jedina podjela - na one koji istražuju i tragaju za istinom i one koji pokušavaju da je sakriju.
To je u petak 16.03. na konferenciji povodom predstavljanja rezultata projekta “Istražujem za M(e)NE i EU”, kazala predsjednica Centra za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) Milka Tadić Mijović.

CIN-CG je u saradnji sa BIRN-om juče predstavio i dvojezičnu publikaciju, koja sadrži osam istraživačkih tekstova koje su prethodnih 14 mjeseci uradili novinari te dvije organizacije, u saradnji sa novinarima iz drugih crnogorskih medijskih kuća.

(more…)

The innocent sounding email reached an official of the Montenegrin Defence Ministry in early January 2017.

Entitled: “NATO_secretary_meeting.doc”, it sounded like a communiqué from the Western alliance that Montenegro was soon to join.

However, IT experts say the message was not sent by NATO to update Montenegro on useful information.

It came from a notorious Russian hacking group, which wanted to break into the government’s IT systems and steal state secrets.

Same in January, according to BIRN sources, the Podgorica government received two more similar emails.

The subject line of the first read: “Draft schedule for British army groups’ visit to Montenegro”.

The title of the other was: “Schedule for a European military transfer program”.

All are believed to have come from the same Russian hacker group, which experts say is linked to the Kremlin.

Three international IT security companies say the emails came from APT28, also known as Fancy Bear, which US intelligence services say is connected to the Russian military intelligence service, GRU.

European Union officials also believe that Montenegro suffered a serious cyber attack in June 2017.

Over the last two years, Montenegro authorities have recorded a sharp rise in the number of cyber attacks, mostly targeting state institutions and media outlets.

From only 22 such incidents in 2013, almost 400 were recorded in only nine months of 2017, official data obtained by BIRN show.

Not all are related to malware viruses or attacks on state institutions, and not all the attacks can be attributed to Fancy Bear.

But many of the attacks are believed to be linked to the tiny Adriatic country’s decision to join NATO, which infuriated the country’s old ally, Russia.

Montenegro has since tightened up cyber security defences. It has formed a specialised police taskforce to fight cyber crime.

But with only limited resources, the team greatly depends on the help of NATO and other Western countries.

“After serial attacks in early 2017 we sought help from NATO and the UK to help us fight back. We succeed in reducing the damage and repelled two attacks in late 2017,” a senior police officer told BIRN, declining to provide details of those actions.

BIRN’s investigation shows that the rise in cyber attacks coincided with the final phase of the country’s NATO accession negotiations in late 2016.

In addition, Montenegro's leaders say Russia tried to interfere in the country’s October 16, 2016 general elections, a charge that Moscow has denied.

The authorities and the ruling parties claim that Russia sponsored a coup attempt on the election day.

Several Western governments, including the UK, support that interpretation of events.

The government’s critics, however, insist the coup attempt was faked, and was staged to help the veteran pro-Western leader Milo Djukanovic stay in power.

Bear leaves its tracks:

Three prominent international security companies, Fire Eye, Trend Micro and ESET agree that Fancy Bear staged at least three separate attacks in January, February and June 2017.

So-called “lures” – spearphishing emails – are common tactics used by the group to target victims who are tempted to open messages mentioning specific topics relevant to them.

Targets are fooled into believing the email is legitimate. Then, by clicking on the link or attached document, they enable a virus to enter their computers.

Ben Read, from the US intelligence-led security company Fire Eye, told BIRN that the emails sent to the Montenegrin Defence Ministry in January 2017 were designed to cause chaos.

“If you opened [them], they would install the malware Game Fish on the victim’s system. That’s signature malware for APT28,” he explained.

He said experts from Fire Eye believed the hackers’ motive was Russia’s deep displeasure over Montenegro’s NATO accession, and the cyber attacks formed part of a broader plan to destabilise the country.

In January 2017, Fire Eye published a report claiming that Fancy Bear primarily targeted entities in the US, Europe, and the countries of the former Soviet Union, including government and military targets, along with defence departments, media outlets, and political dissidents or figures opposed to the Russian government.

“Russia is attacking these governments using both traditional means and as cyber-attacks,” Read added.

Before January 2017, on election day in October 2016, many websites in Montenegro were suddenly taken down by so-called DDoS attacks, in which multiple compromised computer systems attack a website and cause a denial of service for users.

However, the authorities never disclosed what actually happened on that day although they announced a detailed investigation, hinting at a Russian role in the large-scale internet incident.

Four days after the elections, on October 20, 2016, another phishing attack was launched against the parliament of Montenegro, most likely by Fancy Bear again, according to IT security specialists Trend Micro.

But, government sources told BIRN that this attack was less serious, as it targeted the “wrong location”, the parliament, which does not deal with confidential data.

“It was a blind shot,” said this official who insisted on remain anonymous.

A bigger attack, which the Montenegro government describes as more intense than the one in October 2016, started on February 15, 2017 and peaked over the following days, government sources told BIRN last year.

This time, websites of the government and state institutions, as well as some pro-government media, suffered a wave of cyber-attacks, officials in Podgorica told BIRN.

“The scope and diversity of the attacks, and the fact that they were being undertaken on a professional level, indicates that this was a synchronised action,” an official said.

The next attack, which a European official attributed to the same Russian source, happened in June 2017.

Pierluigi Paganini, member of the European Union’s Agency for Network and Information Security, ENISA, told BIRN that Montenegrin infrastructure was again targeted by APT28, or Fancy Bear.

“In June 2017, after Montenegro officially joined NATO, the attacks continued; experts at the security firm Fire Eye who analyzed them collected evidence that confirmed the involvement of Russia’s APT,” Paganini said.

He added that the evidence included artefacts, malware, bait documents and exploit codes.

He said that although attribution is always the most difficult part of a forensic investigation, in this case, the information gathered “points directly to the Russian APT28 group”.

BIRN asked the Russian Foreign Ministry about its connections to the group and to its attacks on Montenegro.

It refused to respond specifically, noting only that “the mentioned issues were repeatedly commented on by the Russian Foreign Ministry”.

Russia strongly denies that its state plays any role in hacking governments, media or elections across the globe.

Russian President Vladimir Putin told reporters in June 2017 that hacking groups, like artists, do their own bidding.

“Hackers are like artists who choose their targets, depending how they feel when they wake up in the morning. No such attacks could alter the result of elections in Europe, America or elsewhere,” Putin told reporters.

Cheap way of collecting intelligence:

America disagrees. In a report, published on December 29, 2016, the US Department of Homeland Security, DHS, and the FBI insisted that the Kremlin sponsored Fancy Bear.

Fancy Bear has targeted many important international groups and individuals.

They include Germany’s ruling Christian Democratic Union, CDU, the German Bundestag, NATO, the World Anti-Doping Agency, the US Democratic National Committee, the former White House senior official John Podesta, the US Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, and others.

https://www.us-cert.gov/sites/default/files/publications/JAR_16-20296A_GRIZZLY%20STEPPE-2016-1229.pdf

Christopher Bing, Associate Editor of CyberScoop, a US cybersecurity website that has followed the attacks in Montenegro, agreed that Fancy Bear has subjected the Balkans to an intensive campaign of cyber-espionage. https://www.cyberscoop.com/apt28-targeted-montenegros-government-joined-nato-researchers-say/

“These activities largely serve as a cheap and effective way to collect intelligence remotely and covertly – without getting caught,” he told BIRN.

Bing explained that APT28 is a politically motivated threat group that is known to target geopolitical rivals of the Kremlin.

“APT28 is known to target military, governmental and civil society groups that are commonly of interest to the Russian state.

“As part of this targeting pattern, the Balkans represents a territory where Russia remains interested in controlling and asserting its dominance,” Bing explained.

The IT company ESET, known for its anti-virus and firewall products, also confirmed to BIRN that Fancy Bear was on active manoeuvres in the Balkans during summer 2017.

Not all cyber attacks are Russian:

New analysis by the Public Administration Ministry on cyber threat to Montenegro showed the number of hacking attacks rose in 2017. The attacks were also “much more serious and sophisticated,” it said.

Over 380 attacks on websites, state institutions, online fraud and misuse of personal accounts were reported in 2017. That compared with just six in 2012. The authorities promised to investigate the background to all those attacks.

“The severity and sophistication of cyber-attacks affecting Montenegro during 2017 were reflected in the increased number of identified attacks on infrastructure and cyber espionage cases, as well as through phishing campaigns that targeted civil servants,” the ministry report said.

These attacks caught Montenegro on the hop, as its small cyber security team had no experience of dealing with attacks on this scale. It has only a dozen employees, who are being trained by US and UK cyber experts.

Amid reports that Russian hackers played a role in downing several websites on election day in Montenegro, the government in December adopted new measures to tighten cyber security.

It said it would strengthen the capacity of the police and intelligence services to prevent hacking, after the attacks on election day had highlighted the vulnerability of the entire system.

“It not just Russian hackers that they are dealing with. The small, under-equipped team is also dealing with the increase in online bank frauds and other attacks that do not have political background,” a government official told BIRN.

Montenegro cyber 001 photo by Pixabay 2000x1000

Upsurge feared ahead of election:

Ahead of this April’s presidential election in Montenegro, experts warn that the country may experience more cyber threats.

On April 15, citizens will elect anew president, as Filip Vujanovic, is completing his final term and cannot be re-elected.

“Russia has strongly opposed Montenegro’s NATO accession process, so it is likely to continue using cyber capabilities to undermine Montenegro’s role in the alliance,” Pierluigi Paganini, from ENISA, warned.

Attacks disrupted Facebook services:

Major cyber disruption was noted in Montenegro on election day, on October 16, 2016, when people in Montenegro were unable to use Facebook services such as Viber and WhatsApp.

The government had to obtain permission from the Higher Court in Podgorica to temporarily block these applications for two hours on the election day and request a thorough investigation of the cyber attack.

Facebook detected this incident in its Transparency report under the title “Internet Disruptions”.

“We are aware of a disruption affecting access to Facebook products and services in Montenegro that took place during October 2016. This disruption impacted messaging services and coincided with the country's parliamentary elections,” it said.

Izgledalo je to kao uobičajena elektronska razmjena pisama između crnogorskog Ministarstva odbrane i NATO-a, ali nije bila.

Mejl sa naslovom „Dokument o tajnom sastanku NATO-a“ (“NATO_secretary_meeting.doc”) stigao je u Ministarstvo odbrane u januaru 2017. godine. U sebi je nosio takozvani maliciozni virus koji se bez znanja korisnika instalira na kompjuteru, a služi za krađu podataka ili njihovo uništavanje.

Tog dana, kako navode vladini izvori CIN-CG/BIRN-a, vlasti u Podgorici su dobile još dva slična mejla.

U naslovu jednog je pisalo „Nacrt rasporeda za posjetu britanskih vojnih grupa Crnoj Gori“.

Naslov drugog bio je „Raspored za evropski program vojnog transfera“.

Nije poznato da li je tom prilikom došlo do krađe ili uništavanja podataka, ali tri ugledne međunarodne kompanije koje se bave informacionim tehnologijama kažu da su istragom utvrdile kako su mejlovi došli od hakerske grupe APT28, poznate i kao Fensi Ber (u slobodnom prevodu - Moderni medvjed), koju sponzoriše ruska država. Američki obavještajni podaci dodatno kažu da je ova grupa povezana sa ruskom vojnom obavještajnom službom GRU.

Novi napad na crnogorske institucije uslijedio je u junu 2017. godine, prema riječima zvaničnika Evropske unije, a pripisuje se takođe grupi Fensi Ber.

Tokom posljednje dvije godine, pokazuje istraživanje CIN-CG/BIRN, crnogorske vlasti su zabilježile snažan rast broja sajber napada, koji uglavnom targetiraju državne ustanove i medije.

Od 22 takva incidenta 2013. godine, za samo devet mjeseci 2017. zabilježeno je gotovo 400 napada.

Iako nijesu svi incidenti vezani za napade na državne institucije i ne mogu svi biti pripisani Fensi Ber grupi, za mnoge se vjeruje da su povezani sa odlukom Crne Gore da se priključi NATO-u, što je razbješnjelo tradicionalnog saveznika Rusiju.

Otkako su učestali napadi, Crna Gora je pooštrila mjere odbrane i formirala je specijalizovanu policijsku radnu grupu za borbu protiv sajber kriminala. Sa ograničenim sredstvima, mali tim se značajno oslanja na pomoć NATO-a i drugih zemalja Zapada.

Viši policijski inspektor, iz kriminalističke policije, koji je želio da ostane anoniman, kaže: „Nakon niza napada početkom 2017. godine, potražili smo pomoć NATO-a i Velike Britanije da bismo se tome suprotstavili. Uspjeli smo da smanjimo štetu i da se odbranimo od dva napada krajem 2017. godine“. On je odbio da otkrije detalje vezane za ove napade.

Istraživanje pokazuje da se porast u sajber napadima poklopio sa konačnom fazom pristupnih pregovora Crne Gore NATO-u krajem 2016. godine.

„Moderni medvjed“ ostavlja trag

Tri poznate međunarodne bezbjednosne kompanije, Fajer aj, Trend mikro i ESET su saglasni da je Fensi Ber stajao bar iza tri posebna hakerska napada u januaru, februaru i junu 2017. godine.

Takozvane „udice“ – mejlovi poznati kao spearphishing, to jest pecanje – su uobičajena taktika koju koriste hakerske grupe da targetiraju žrtve koje povjeruju poruci i kliknu na link, ili neki dokument i tako preuzmu virus.

Ben Rid, iz Fajer aja, kaže za da su mejlovi poslati crnogorskom Ministarstvu odbrane u januaru 2017. godine osmišljeni da izazovu haos.

„Ako se otvore, oni instaliraju virus Gejm fiš na sistem žrtve. To je malver (zlonamjerni program) koji je karakterističan za APT28“, objašnjava Rid.

On kaže da stručnjaci iz Fajer aja vjeruju kako su motivi hakera bili duboko nezadovoljstvo Rusije povodom pristupanja Crne Gore NATO-u, te da sajber napadi čine dio šireg plana da se zemlja destabilizuje.

U januaru 2017. godine, Fajer aj je objavio izvještaj u kom tvrdi da Fensi Ber, prvenstveno targetira pravna lica u Americi, Evropi i zemljama bivšeg Sovjetskog Saveza, uključujući državne i vojne ciljeve, uz ministarstva odbrane, medije i političke disidente ili ličnosti koja se protive ruskoj vladi.

„Rusija napada ove vlade korišćenjem i tradicionalnih sredstava i sajber napadima,“ dodaje Rid.

Na dan izbora u oktobru 2016. godine, mnogo vebsajtova u Crnoj Gori je iznenada oboreno takozvanim DDoS napadima, u kojima nekoliko kompromitovanih kompjuterskih sistema napada vebsajtove.

Međutim, vlasti nikada nijesu objelodanile šta se zapravo desilo tog dana, iako su najavile detaljnu istragu, nagovještavajući ulogu Rusije u internet incidentu velikih razmjera.

Četiri dana nakon izbora, 20. oktobra 2016. godine, novi napad, ali ovog puta mejlovima koji su nosili viruse, izveden je na Skupštinu Crne Gore. Procjena specijalista iz firme Trend mikro je da je Fensi Ber stajao iza toga.

Ali, izvori iz Vlade kažu za CIN-CG/BIRN da je ovaj napad targetirao „pogrešnu lokaciju“, parlament koji nema povjerljive podatke.

„To je bio pucanj u prazno“, rekao je zvaničnik koji je insistirao da ostane anoniman.

Veći napad, koji crnogorska Vlada opisuje kao intenzivniji od onog u oktobru 2016. godine, počeo je 15. februara 2017. godine i doživio vrhunac narednih dana, rekli su izvori u Vladi za CIN-CG/BIRN.

Ovog puta, vebsajtovi vladinih i državnih institucija, kao i nekih prodržavnih medija, pretrpjeli su talas sajber napada.

„Obim i raznolikost napada, i činjenica da su oni bili preduzeti na profesionalnom nivou ukazuje da je ovo bila sinhronizovana akcija“, rekao je jedan izvor.

Sljedeći napad, koji se pripisuje ruskom izvoru, desio se u junu 2017. godine.

Pjerluiđi Paganini, član Agencije za mrežnu i informacionu bezbjednost Evropske unije ENISA, rekao je za CIN-CG/BIRN da je crnogorsku infrastrukturu opet targetirao APT28 ili Fensi Ber.

„U junu 2017. godine nakon što je Crna Gora zvanično pristupila NATO-u, napadi su se nastavili; stručnjaci u bezbjednosnoj firmi Fajer aj koji su analizirali prikupljene dokaze potvrdili su umiješanost ruskog APT-a“, kaže Paganini.

On je dodao da dokazi uključuju artefakte, malver, mamce u vidu dokumenata i kodove za eksploatisanje.

Iako je najteži dio forenzičke istrage utvrditi ko stoji iza napada, Paganini kaže da u ovom slučaju informacije koje su prikupljene, „ukazuju direktno na rusku APT28 grupu“.

Rusko Ministarstvo inostranih poslova je odbilo da odgovori na pitanja CIN-CG/BIRN o mogućim vezama sa grupom koja napada Crnu Goru.

U pismenom odgovoru stoji da je „rusko Ministarstvo spoljnih poslova više puta komentarisalo pomenuta pitanja“.

Rusija oštro poriče da njena vlada igra bilo kakvu ulogu u hakerskim napadima na vlade, medije ili da se miješa u izbore širom svijeta.

Ruski predsjednik Vladimir Putin rekao je novinarima u junu 2017. godine da grupe hakera, kao i umjetnici, sami obavljaju svoje poslove.

„Hakeri kao i umjetnici biraju koga će da targetiraju, u zavisnosti od toga kako se osjećaju kada se probude ujutro. Nikakvi takvi napadi ne mogu promijeniti rezultate izbora u Evropi, Americi ili drugdje“, rekao je Putin novinarima.

Jeftin način za špijunažu

Američke službe se ne slažu sa Putinom. U izvještaju objavljenom 29. decembra 2016. godine, američko Ministarstvo za unutrašnju bezbjednost DHS i FBI insistiraju da Kremlj sponzoriše Fensi Ber.

Grupa je targetirala mnoge važne međunarodne grupe i pojedince.

Neke od njih su njemački vladajući Hrišćanski demokratski savez, CDU, njemački Bundestag, NATO, svjetska Anti-doping agencija, američko Demokratsko nacionalno vijeće, bivši zvaničnik Bijele kuće Džon Podesta, američka Komisija za kongresnu kampanju demokrata i druge. https://www.us-cert.gov/sites/default/files/publications/JAR_16-20296A_GRIZZLY%20STEPPE-2016-1229.pdf

Kristofer Bing, saradnik-urednik u Sajberskupu, američkom vebsajtu koji piše o sajber bezbjednosti, saglasan je da je Fensi Ber podvrgnuo i Crnu Goru i Balkan intenzivnoj kampanji sajber špijunaže. https://www.cyberscoop.com/apt28-targeted-montenegros-government-joined-nato-researchers-say/

„Ove aktivnosti uglavnom služe kao jeftin i efikasan način za prikupljanje obavještajnih podataka sa udaljene lokacije i prikriveno – a da vas ne uhvate“, rekao je za CIN-CG/BIRN.

Bing je objasnio da je APT28 politički motivisana grupa za prijetnje koja je poznata po tome što targetira geopolitičke rivale Kremlja.

„U sklopu obrasca targetiranja, Balkan predstavlja teritoriju gdje Rusija ostaje zainteresovana za kontrolu i uspostavljanje prevlasti“, objasnio je Bing.

U kompaniji ESET, poznatoj po svojim antivirusnim i fajervol proizvodima, takođe su potvrdili da je Fensi Ber imao aktivne manevre na Balkanu tokom ljeta 2017. godine.

Napadi i sa drugih adresa

Nova analiza sajber prijetnji po Crnu Goru Ministarstva javne uprave ukazala je da je broj hakerskih napada skočio u 2017. godini. Napadi su takođe „ozbiljniji i sofisticiraniji“, rekli su u ministarstvu.

U 2017. godini bilo je više od 380 prijavljenih incidenata, koji su uključivali napade na vebsajtove i državne ustanove, ali i onlajn prevare i zloupotrebu ličnih bankovnih računa.

Radi poređenja, u 2012. godini bilo je samo šest napada. Vlasti su obećale da će istražiti pozadinu svih ovih napada.

„Ozbiljnost i sofisticiranost sajber napada koji su se ticali Crne Gore u 2017. godini ogledaju se u povećanom broju identifikovanih napada na infrastrukturu i slučajeva sajber špijunaže, kao i kroz kampanje pecanja koji targetiraju državne službenike“, stoji u izvještaju ministarstva.

Ovi napadi su uhvatili Crnu Goru nespremnu, pošto njen mali tim za sajber bezbjednost nije imao iskustvo sa napadima takvih razmjera. Tim zapošljava samo dvanaest ljudi, koje obučavaju sajber stručnjaci iz Amerike i Velike Britanije.

„Ne bave se oni samo ruskim hakerima. Mali, nedovoljno opremljen tim se takođe bavi porastom onlajn bankarskih prevara i drugim napadima koji nemaju političku pozadinu“, rekao je vladin funkcioner.

Idu opet izbori

Pred predsjedničke izbore u Crnoj Gori, zakazane za 15. april, eksperti upozoravaju da se zemlja može suočiti sa više sajber prijetnji.

„Rusija se jako protivi procesu pristupanja Crne Gore NATO-u, tako da će vjerovatno nastaviti da koristi svoje sajber mogućnosti da podriva ulogu Crne Gore u Alijansi“, upozorava Pjerluiđi Paganini, iz agencije ENISA.

Juriš preko Fejsbuka

Na dan opštih izbora u Crnoj Gori, 16. oktobra 2016. godine građani su bili zasuti velikim brojem antivladinih poruka, koje su stizale od nepoznatih pošiljalaca preko društvene mreže Fejsbuk, i aplikacija Vajber i Vatsap.

Vlada je tražila i dobila dozvolu od Višeg suda u Podgorici da tog dana na dva sata blokira Vajber i Vatsap i zahtijevala je istragu o sajber napadu

Od Fejsbuka je Vlada tražila da utvrdi porijeklo tih poruka. Fejsbuk je detektovao incident u svom Izvještaju o transparentnosti pod nazivom „Internet poremećaji“.

„Upoznati smo sa poremećajem koji je uticao na pristup Fejsbuk proizvodima i uslugama u Crnoj Gori koji se desio tokom oktobra 2016. godine. Ovaj poremećaj je uticao na usluge za poruke i poklopio se sa parlamentarnim izborima u ovoj zemlji“, pisalo je u izvještaju.

Dušica Tomović i Maja Živanović

On Tuesday 21 February 2018, Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG) organized a conference Investigative Journalism and Code of Ethics - Obstacles, Challenges and How to Reach Professional Standards, as a part of the EU funded project Investigate for ME and EU, implemented in cooperation with Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN). The goal of the project is to strengthen investigative reporting and topics related to EU negotiation chapters, in order to contribute to the transformation of society towards democracy and the EU integration process.

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U utorak 21.02.2018. godine Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo (CIN-CG) organizovao je konferenciju Istraživačko novinarstvo i etički kodeks – prepreke, izazovi i kako dostići profesionalne standarde, u okviru projekta Istražujem za M(e)NE i EU!, koji realizujemo u partnerstvu sa Balkanskom istraživačkom regionalnom mrežom (BIRN) uz podršku Delegacije Evropske unije u Crnoj Gori. Projekat ima za cilj osnaživanje istraživačkog novinarstva i tema koje se odnose na pregovaračka poglavlja sa EU, kako bi doprinijeli transformaciji društva ka demokratiji i procesa evropskih integracija. Konferenciju su otvorili Zoran Pažin, potpredsjednik Vlade Crne Gore, Plamena Halacheva, v.d. šefa Delegacije Evropske unije u Crnoj Gori iMilka Tadić Mijović, direktorica CIN-CG. O regionalnom i međunarodnom kontekstu govorile su Brankica Petković, programska direktorica Mirovnog instituta iz Ljubljane i Gordana Igrić, direktorica BIRN-a, dok su o lokalnom kontekstu govorili predstavnici crnogorskih medija: Vladan Mićunović (RTCG), Nikola Marković (Dan), Mihailo Jovović (Vijesti) i Slavoljub Šćekić(CIN-CG). Na konferenciji je bilo prisutno oko 70 učesnika.

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Igor was an excellent student of medicine and specialized in obstetrics. Although his skills seemed in demand in his hometown in the north of Montenegro, he could not get a full-time job at the local hospital.

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Igor je bio odličan student Medicinskog fakulteta, ali i pored toga što je uspješno specijalizirao akušerstvo, koje je deficitarno u njegovom rodnom gradu na sjeveru Crne Gore, nije mogao da se stalno zaposli u bolnici. Prema njegovim riječima, to je zato što u državi vlada partijsko zapošljavanje, koje podrazumijeva i da se „animiraju članovi šire porodice da glasaju na izborima“, ako se želi dobiti ili zadržati posao.

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Biznismen Dragan Burić, uprkos odličnom engleskom, već dugo ima problema da objasni svojim američkim partnerima i prijateljima zašto projekat, u koji je u Crnoj Gori uložio 13 miliona eura, sve do nedavno nije mogao da pokrene zbog –struje.

Iako je projekat izgradnje štala i mljekare predviđao da još u martu prošle godine potekne 60.000 litara mlijeka dnevno, ispriječili su se administrativni problemi u opštini Bijelo Polje, dovođenje vode i struje do lokacije.

„Kažem im da je Crna Gora beba koja tek puzi i njegujemo je... Polako će krenuti da hoda, a brzo i da ide kako treba“, kaže ovaj crnogorski počasni konzul u Panami.

Štale i hale u ogromnom kompleksu u Pavinom Polju, na putu između Bijelog Polja i Pljevalja, zvrje prazne. Da nijesu samo zaboravljene kulise nekog davno snimanog filma, opominje stražar i novi tek postavljeni transformator za struju. I jarbol sa crnogorskom zastavom.

Tokom 2015. i 2016. godine ta zdanja uistinu su bile scena za česta televizijska snimanja i promociju velikog kreditnog projekta za razvoj poljoprivrede, podržanog sa 50 miliona dolara od Abu Dabi Fonda za razvoj, ADFD.

Burić je sa svojom kompanijom „Milkraft“ bio idealan primjer. Prije nego što je tadašnji ministar poljoprivrede Petar Ivanović doveo kamere i diplomate iz Abu Dabija, on je već kupio zemljište, obezbijedio dozvole i podigao zgrade buduće savremene farme za 420 krava, postrojenja za mužu i teljenje.

Ugovor o kreditu od tri miliona dolara sa Burićem, Ministarstvo je potpisalo krajem 2015. godine, završetak radova najavljen je za kraj 2016. godine, a početak proizvodnje za mart prošle godine.

Još osam kompanija finansirano je iz kredita Abu Dabi Fonda, koji je dodijeljen crnogorskoj državi u junu 2015. godine, u visini od 50 miliona dolara.

Pompezno najavljen, ovaj kredit je bio namijenjen uglavnom velikim igračima na tržištu od kojih se očekivalo da postanu zamajac razvoja i izvoza za inače usitnjenu crnogorsku poljoprovredu.

Ali, i kad je bilo novca, ideja i preduzetnika, to nije pomoglo u sudaru sa administrativnim barijerama, nesređenim planskim dokumentima i skromnim kapacitetima lokalnih zajednica, pokazuje istraživanje CIN-CG/BIRN.

To je proizvelo kašnjenja, nepotrebne troškove zbog odlaganja proizvodnje, skladištenja opreme, dok su nekima dugovi narastali zbog kursnih razlika nastalih jačanjem dolara.

Pokazalo se da Crna Gora u poljoprivredi još nema dovoljno dobrih ideja i preduzetnika koji u relativno kratkom vremenu mogu da realizuju velike projekte i da uz milion do tri miliona dolara kreditne podrške pruže čvrste garancije i da sami ulože značajne sume.

Do juna prošle godine, od 50 miliona, dodijeljeno je kroz kredite 23 miliona dolara. Tada je Vlada donijela odluku da izmjesti Fond iz resornog ministarstva i prebaci ga u nadležnost Investiciono-razvojnog fonda. Uslovi kreditiranja su promijenjeni da bi i mali proizvođači mogli da se uključe.

Svi podaci proglašeni su tajnom, uključujući i nalaze interne i eksterne revizije.

Dok se čeka da zaživi nova kreditna linija, preko Investiciono-razvojnog fonda, podijeljena su mišljenja eksperata o tome da li je početna strategija podrške velikim preduzećima uopšte bila dobra, ili su uslovi kreditiranja trebalo da budu prilagođeni manjim proizvođačima.

Ugovori pod velom tajne

Poljoprivreda Crne Gore je nerazvijena i usitnjena. Agrobudžet za 2018. godinu procjenjuje da postoji čak 49.000 malih gazdinstava.

Otuda je kredit od Abu Dabi Fonda uzet sa namjerom da se da podsticaj poljoprivredi, izvozu i zapošljavanju u tom sektoru (http://www.vijesti.me/vijesti/ivanovic-obecao-2000-novih-radnih-mjesta-u-poljoprivredi-836726), posebno na sjeveru zemlje.

Iako je Upravni odbor Fonda sa sjedištem u Abu Dabiju odobrio još u junu 2014. godine ponudu za kredit, Vlada Crne Gore je pregovarala i uspjela da smanji kamatnu stopu i produži rok vraćanja, pa se ugovor sa tim Fondom potpisuje tek u junu 2015. godine pod povoljnijim uslovima - kamatna stopa od 2,5 odsto, grejs period od četiri godine i rok vraćanja od 17 godina.

Do sredine prošle godine, država je potpisala ugovor sa 11 kompanija, za projekte vrijedne 23,2 miliona dolara, od kojih je devet dobilo novac. Dvije kompanije su ostale bez kredita, nakon što je država uradila dodatnu provjeru. Prema podacima Vlade, do sredine prošle godine samo je kompanija Vektra Jakić, koja je dobila novac za proizvodnju peleta, počela sa proizvodnjom.

Uslovi kreditiranja favorizovali su veće kompanije od kojih se tražilo da ulože 25 odsto svojih sredstava, dok je visina kredita bila od milion do tri miliona dolara.

Pod kojim uslovima su krediti tačno dati različitim kompanijama, nije poznato, jer pojedinačni ugovori nijesu dostupni javnosti. Otuda se ne može procijeniti da li su pojedine kompanije prekršile uslove kreditiranja, te da li kasne u implementaciji.

Ministarstvo poljoprivrede, kojim sada rukovodi Milutin Simović, odbilo je da stavi na uvid ugovore i prateću dokumentaciju, uz obrazloženje da je „Investiciono-razvojni fond zadužen za realizaciju projekta i da nijesu u posjedu traženih informacija”.

I Investiciono-razvojni fond je odbio zahtjev CIN-CG/BIRN-a uz objašnjenje „da bi njihovo davanje izazvalo štetne posljedice po komercijalne i druge interese, kako Fonda, tako i ugovornih strana“.

Milorad Vujović, potpredsjednik Vlade u to vrijeme, iz opozicionih redova, kaže da je i sam tri puta bezuspješno tražio da dobije uvid u osnovni ugovor i njegove anekse, ugovore o zalogama i hipotekarnim obezbjeđenjima.

„Proglašavanje ove dokumentacije tajnom svakako je nezakonito, jer ne ispunjava nijedan od uslova iz Zakona o tajnosti podataka i takva odluka Investiciono-razvojnog fonda bi morala biti osporena pred Upravnim sudom“, kazao je on.

On takođe sumnja da su te informacije „svjesno činjene nedostupnim, kako bi se od javnosti sakrile zloupotrebe“.

Bivši ministar poljoprivrede Petar Ivanović, iz vladajuće Demokratske partije socijalista, tvrdi da je proces izbora kompanija bio transparentan. On je kazao da su tada dobili 32 aplikacije i da su više od pola morali da odbiju, jer su firme koje su aplicirale umjesto za razvojne i nove projekte tražile novac za vraćanje prethodnih dugova ili rješavanje pitanja likvidnosti, što nije u skladu sa ciljem projekta.

Bez struje i vode, a kamate rastu

Od devet kompanija koje je Ministarstvo finansijski podržalo, neke su se u startu sočile sa ozbiljnim problemima u opštinama u kojima posluju, nekoliko projekata je u završnoj fazi, a ima i onih koji razmišljaju da odustanu od kredita zbog visokih kamata koje plaćaju zbog nepovoljnih kursnih razlika.

Vlasnik „Milkkrafta“ Dragan Burić kaže da je u opštini Bijelo Polje naišao na neriješene imovinsko-pravne odnose, nije bilo priključka za vodu, a godinu dana je čekao da dobije struju. Zbog toga je izgubio ne samo vrijeme nego i desetine hiljada eura svakog mjeseca, novca koji je „krvavo zaradio“.

„Želio sam da napravim nešto za Crnu Goru i mnogo me pogađa što se ovo dešava“, rekao je Burić u razgovoru za CIN-CG/BIRN, u sjedištu još jedne njegove firme „GNC“ u Podgorici. On kaže da je odlučio da investira u najtežu branšu koja postoji – poljoprivredu.

„Ozbiljne kompanije su napravile analizu i biznis plan i procijenile da je sjever države najbolji za to. Kada sam vidio Pavino Polje, osjetio sam da je to pravo“, kaže on.

Iz Opštine Bijelo Polje i Ministarstva poljoprivrede potvrdili su da su postojali problemi u realizaciji ovog projekta, ali da su oni otklonjeni. Burić se sada nada da će nakon svega, projekat biti završen do ljeta.

Nijesu samo struja i voda bili problem za Burića. Dok je čekao da počne proizvodnju, dolar je rastao.

Kada su kompanije uzele kredite u dolarima, njihovi vlasnici tada nijesu slutili da će za godinu dana zbog jačanja dolara izgubiti desetine hiljada eura.

Burićeva kompanija „Milkraft“ godišnje u grejs periodu na ime kamata plaća 70.000 eura. Ali, zbog kursnih razlika, tvrdi, već je u gubitku dodatnih 50.000 eura.

Na problem sa kursnim razlikama žali se i Čedomir Popović, izvršni direktor kompanije „Carine“, koja je stoprocentni vlasnik firme „Agro Carine“.

„Iznos glavnog duga sa početnih 2,5 miliona dolara povećao se na 2,56 miliona. Dakle, za godinu i po negativne kursne liste, razlike iznose oko 60.000 dolara ili 51.000 eura“, rekao je Popović. Zbog toga se pita da li je takav kreditni angažman, dugoročno posmatrano, isplativ za korisnika.

U vrijeme zaključenja ugovora o kreditu, kaže on, kreditni angažman je bio prihvatljiv, s obzirom na kamatnu stopu i na to da mu je odobren rok vraćanja od 16 godina, uz grejs period od tri godine.

„Ubrzo će se kod poslovnih banaka moći dobiti kredit pod istim uslovima i to bez rizika od negativnih kursnih razlika, pa se ne isključuje mogućnost odustajanja od ovog kreditnog aražmana“, naglasio je.

Uprkos teškoćama, Popović kaže da kompanija redovno izmiruje dospjele obaveze po kreditu iz Abu Dabi Fonda za razvoj.

Podržati velike ili male privrednike

Iako je odluka o premještanju projekta iz Ministarstva poljoprivrede donijeta sredinom prošle godine, u Investiciono-razvojnom fondu kažu da su još u fazi preuzimanja, analize i dogovora sa Abu Dabi Fondom o realizaciji kredita.

Ipak se zna da će uslovi kreditiranja biti promijenjeni i da će minimalni iznos kreditne podrške, sa dotadašnjih milion dolara, biti smanjen na 200.000 dolara. http://www.gov.me/sjednice_vlade_2016/30.

Vlada ovo obrazlaže željom da obezbijedi „znatno širi obuhvat potencijalnih korisnika“ i prilagodi uslove „realnoj apsorpcijskoj sposobnosti“, što se tumači kao priznanje da su početni uslovi kreditiranja bili preveliki zalogaj za potencijale crnogorskih poljoprivrednika.

Bivši ministar Ivanović, pod čijim mandatom je Fond zaživio, i dalje smatra da je bilo potrebno podržati veće projekte koji bi, poput ledolomaca, krčili put i za male.

On je mišljenja da mali proizvođači ne mogu da guraju poljoprivredu naprijed, upravljaju valutnim rizikom ili da sa lakoćom daju garanciju za kredite.

„Nigdje na svijetu mali proizvođači ne vuku poljoprivredu naprijed. Sviđalo se to nekom ili ne, to mogu da čine samo veliki“, zaključuje on.

Ali, po riječima agronoma Željka Vidakovića, novi koncept je bolji. Kredit iz Abu Dabi Fonda, kako vjeruje, mogao je da bude dobra lokomotiva, da je bio namijenjen za „obične poljoprivrednike“.

On smatra da je crnogorska poljoprivreda u tako lošem stanju da će se i novi uslovi kreditiranja teško moći ispuniti, jer su i dalje preveliko opterećenje za male proizvođače.

„Ako uzimate 100 hiljada eura, traže 150 ili obično 200 hiljada eura obezbjeđenja. Dakle, kolateral je uvijek 50 do 100 odsto u odnosu na visinu kredita. Plašim se da će to da bude biznis barijera, upravo zbog kolaterala. Malo je poljoprivrednika koji imaju nepokretnosti u velikoj vrijednosti na selu, a koje mogu da stave pod hipoteku“, kaže Vidaković.

On dodaje da je Crnoj Gori potreban Agrarni fond, koji bi davao garanciju za poljoprivrednike, procjenjivao da li vrijedi založena imovina, ali i pratio zloupotrebu sredstava „kako ne bi bilo kupovine kola umjesto traktora“.

Abu Dabi Fond u Crnoj Gori, ali i u regionu

Abu Dabi Fond je državna agencija tog arapskog emirata, koja uglavnom obezbjeđuje koncesione kredite za finansiranje ekonomskih i socijalnih projekata širom svijeta.

Osim kredita za razvojne projekte u poljoprivredi, Fond sa dodatnih 130 miliona dolara kreditira projekat vodosnabdijevanja u Crnoj Gori (https://www.adfd.ae/english/Countries/Pages/countrydetails_new.aspx?104), a slične projekte ima u Srbiji i Albaniji.

Potpisani ugovori, a neisplaćeni krediti

Dvije kompanije, „Bjelasica Rada“ i „CG i POWER SERV“, potpisale su ugovore sa Ministarstvom poljoprivrede, ali poslije dodatne revizije Ministarstvo je odlučilo da im se novac ne isplati.

Komentarišući slučaj ove dvije firme, bivši ministar poljoprivrede Ivanović kaže da je „ugovor potpisan zato što su ispunjeni uslovi za potpisivanje, a sredstva nijesu prebačena jer potpisnici nijesu pružili obezbjeđenje u skladu sa potpisanim ugovorom“.

U firmi „Bjelasica Rada“ u septembru prošle godine proglašen je bankrot. Stečaj je pokrenut u maju 2017. godine na zahtjev radnika koji duže od godinu nijesu primili plate.

Reporteri CIN-CG/BIRN posjetili su sjedište „Bjelasice Rade“ u Bijelom Polju i naišli na zatvorenu kapiju. U krugu fabrike bili su samo psi lutalice. Iako su reporteri insistirali na razgovoru sa predstavnicima kompanije, radnik obezbjeđenja je rekao da stečajna uprava ne može nikoga da primi.

Vojin Manojlović, predstavnik nikšićke kompanije „CG i POWER SERV“, kaže da se na zemljištu predviđenom za proizvodnju, površine oko 30.000 metara kvadratnih, nalaze hale koje su zajednički objekat sa drugim licima. Manojlović stoga krivi neriješene imovinsko-pravne odnose u opštini za to što, uprkos potpisanom ugovoru, nije dobio novac.

Nije bilo moguće provjeriti te tvrdnje zbog toga što su nalazi revizije nedostupni javnosti.

Ima i zadovoljnih

CIN-CG/BIRN obišao je krajem novembra postrojenja fabrike „Mesopromet“ u Bijelom Polju, koja je dobila tri miliona dolara kredita iz Abu Dabi Fonda za modernizaciju i proširenje kapaciteta za proizvodnju suhomesnatih proizvoda i fermentisanih kobasica.

Lejla Hasković iz „Mesoprometa“ rekla je da su odobrena sredstva korištena za nabavku opreme i jednim dijelom za finansiranje trajnih obrtnih sredstava.

„U potpunosti smo zadovoljni realizacijom ugovora kao i uslovima kreditiranja. Kompanija je uložila dva miliona eura sopstvenih sredstava“, kazala je Hasković.

U podgoričkoj kompaniji „Carine“, koja je osnivač „Agro Carine“, tvrde da, osim teškoća vezanih za kurs dolara, nije bilo problema tokom realizacije projekta. Do sada su izgradili restoran za degustaciju proizvoda, nabavili poljoprivrednu mehanizaciju i rekonstruisali objekat za smještaj i uzgoj ovaca i smještaj sijena. Mljekara još nije izgrađena, kao ni cistijerne za vodu od 400 metara kubnih, a usporavala ih je samo kratka građevinska sezona.

Do sredine 2017. godine podržano je devet projekata u okviru Abu Dabi projekta. To su oni koje relaziju kompanije „Agro Carine“, „Vektra Jakić“, „Mesopromet“, „HM Durmitor“, „Milkraft“, „Eko-per“, „F.M.L.“, „MI Goranović“ i „IM Gradina“.

Vladin dokument http://www.gov.me/sjednice_vlade_2016/30 potvrđuje da je samo kompanija „Vektra Jakić“ do sredine prošle godine završila sve radove.