Ljekar Nikolić pred Osnovnim sudom u Podgorici, gdje ga zastupa kancelarija Ane Đukanović, traži od KCCG i Fonda za zdravstveno osiguranje da mu solidarno isplate dodatnih 200 hiljada eura, četiri puta toliko trebalo je već da inkasira na osnovu ugovora iz 2009. i ranijih sudskih presuda

Predrag Nikolić/Andrea Perišić

U Osnovnom sudu u Podgorici u toku je proces koji ljekar Aleksandar Nikolić vodi protiv Kliničkog centra Crne Gore (KCCG) i Fonda za zdravstveno osiguranje Crne Gore (FZOCG) zbog navodnog neispunjavanja obaveza iz ugovora potpisanog davne 2009. godine.

Nikolić je već dobio u ranijim postupcima obeštećenje, iako mnogi svjedoci sumnjaju da je ugovor sa njim, koji je dugo godina bio tajan, bio sumnjiv jer je, između ostalog, pored plate, predviđao da Nikolić za svaku operaciju koja se izvrši u Centru za kardiohirurgiju dobije 500 eura. I to bilo da on operiše, ili neko drugi. Ova klauzula iz ugovora više puta je tokom sudskog postupka problematizovana. Bilo je i tvrdnji da Nikolić, u vrijeme kada je sa njim dogovoren posao u KCCG-u, nije imao neophodnu licencu za kardiohiruga.

Doktora Nikolića u maratonskim sporovima zastupa kancelarija Ane Đukanović (sestra bivšeg predsjednika Crne Gore Mila Đukanovića).

Ljekar je po ovom osnovu ugovora i presuda do sada već trebalo da primi preko 800 hiljada eura. U postupku koji je u toku, Nikolić traži da mu KCCG i FZOCG solidarno isplate još 200 hiljada eura.

Godine 2009, sa tadašnjim čelnicima zdravstva - ministrom zdravlja Miodragom Radunovićem, direktorom FZOCG Ramom Bralićem i direktoricom KCCG Oliverom Miljanović Nikolić je potpisao Ugovor 626, u koji je Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) imao uvid i koji otvara mnoge dileme.

CIN-CG je pokušao da stupi u kontakt sa doktorom Nikolićem, međutim on do objavljivanja ovog teksta nije odgovorio na pitanja.

Na brojna pitanja nijesu odgovorili ni Radunović, Bralić i Miljanović.

Nikolić je preuzeo Centar za kardiohirurgiju 2008, nakon što je smijenjen prvi direktor ovog centra, doktor Srđan Pavićević, a tu su radili i hirurzi Aleksandar Mugoša i Aleksandar Radović.

Tajni ugovor

Centar za kardiohirurgiju u KCCG-u osnovan je 2003. godine, ali pet godina nakon toga zdravstvene vlasti, nezadovoljne podužim listama čekanja i malim brojem urađenih operacija, odlučuju da angažuju hirurga Nikolića, iz Srbije.

Nikolić je sredinom avgusta 2008. izabran na mjesto ljekara supspecijaliste odsjeka za kardiohirurgiju na neodređeno vrijeme, a početkom sljedećeg mjeseca imenovan je za direktora Centra za kardiohirurgiju.

U isto vrijeme Nikolić radi i u Specijalnoj bolnici Filip Vtori u Skoplju, što niko u KCCG-u ne dovodi u pitanje. Zbog toga što je njegova porodica živjela u Srbiji menadžment KCCG-a, pored visoke plate, odobrava mu i isplatu novčane naknade za odvojeni život.

Nikolić je, prema Ugovoru 626, imao obavezu i da edukuje, uvede evropske protokole, kao i sve kardiohirurške operativne tehnike, da ažurira liste čekanja, kao i da organizuje i realizuje 300 kardiohirurških operacija na godišnjem nivou.

Ugovor za koji je javnost saznala tek pet godina kasnije, 2014. godine, izazvao je veliku buru među Nikolićevim kolegama u KCCG-u, ali i javnosti, a o njemu se raspravljalo i u Skupštini Crne Gore.

Na aktuelnom suđenju u Osnovnom sudu u Podgorici iz sudskih spisa se vidi da su tri bivša direktora KCCG-a tvrdila da za ugovor sa Nikolićem jedno vrijeme nijesu znali.

Bivši direktor KCCG Milan Mijović, koji je tu funkciju obavljao od juna 2011. do aprila 2015, na suđenju je izjavio da pomenuti ugovor nije postojao u arhivi ove institucije, kao i da je za njega saznao krajem 2011, kada mu je dostavljena kopija od strane tadašnjeg direktora FZOCG Kenana Hrapovića.

“Konsultovao sam se sa našim pravnicima i advokatima da u konkretnom slučaju dr Nikolić ne može biti isplaćen dva puta po istom osnovu”, kazao je Mijović na suđenju podvlačeći činjenicu da je Nikolić imao i platu i dodatan novac po operaciji.

Slično je izjavio i direktor KCCG-a, koji je na toj funkciji bio od aprila 2015. do decembra 2016. Ranko Lazović. Lazović je naveo i da mu “nije poznato da je Nikolić u skladu sa navedenim ugovorom organizovao neke seminare ili da je obučavao kadar KCCG-a”.

Lazovićeva nasljednica, Zorica Kovačević, koja je bila na čelu KCCG-a od kraja 2016. do avgusta 2018, na sudu je rekla da prvi put čuje za sporni ugovor.

“Nikolića sam zatekla u KCCG-u i on je obavljao poslove tri mjeseca za vrijeme mog mandata, dao je otkaz i koristio je pravo na godišnji odmor. Zatekla sam loše međuljudske odnose na kardiohirurgiji”, kazala je Kovačević na sudu.

Ona je istakla i da je na nju vršen pritisak nakon Nikolićevog odlaska i sudskih odluka u vezi sa njegovim naknadama za prethodni period.

“Kako objasniti drugim ljekarima koji rade u operacionoj sali ove odluke suda i naknade koje su pripale doktoru Nikoliću”, navela je Kovačević.

Neobične sudske odluke

Po dolasku na čelo KCCG-a Mijović prestaje da isplaćuje Nikoliću nadoknadu od 500 eura po svakoj operaciji koja se uradi u Centru. Nikolić zato tuži KCCG, FZOCG i državu i dobija spor 2012. Tada je Osnovni sud u Podgorici, tačnije sudija Danilo Jegdić, usvojio dio tužbenog zahtjeva Nikolića i dosudio mu 234.433 eura koje je trebalo da mu isplate KCCG i FZOCG, po osnovu izvršenih operacija - Nikolićevih i drugih ljekara u Centru. Ovaj sud je kao neosnovanu odbio tužbu protiv države. I tada je Nikolića zastupala kancelarija Ane Đukanović.

Ovaj sud je utvrdio i da je u u periodu od 1. jula 2011. do 1. septembra 2012. na Nikolićevom odjeljenju izvršena 441 kardiohirurška intervencija za koju mu nije plaćena ugovorena naknada. Iz KCCG-a su osporili tužbu, navodeći da ove intervencije jesu izvršene, ali da Nikoliću ne pripada naknada za sve operacije, već samo za one koje je lično obavio, a njih je bilo 201.

Viši sud u Podgorici, odnosno tadašnji predsjednik vijeća Branimir Femić i članice Radojka Nikolić i Natalija Filipović, u februaru 2013. ukinuo je presudu Osnovnog suda i vratio je na ponovno suđenje.

“Spornom odredbom predmetnog ugovora nije na potpun i jasan način regulisana obaveza tuženih u pogledu izvedenih operacija”, navodi se u ovoj presudi.

Sudija Jegdić u julu 2013. ponovo donosi istovjetnu odluku, uz obrazloženje da nije važno da li je operacije izvršio on ili neko drugi.

Viši sud u Podgorici, sutkinja Ranka Vuković, predsjednica vijeća i članice Verica Sekulić i Snežana Aleksić, u oktobru 2013. potvrdio je ovu presudu Osnovnog suda.

KCCG u svojoj žalbi na tu odluku navodi da je Nikolić bio zaposlen u toj instituciji, te da mu je u opisu posla bilo da radi operacije i da je sud pogrešno cijenio da mu treba isplaćivati dodatno i po 500 eura po operaciji. Iz KCCG-u su još tvrdili da Nikolić nije ispunio svoje obaveze po ugovoru i nije dostavio ažurirane liste čekanja pacijenata.

Vrhovni sud Crne Gore, u vijeću sastavljenom od predsjednika Radoja Orovića, članica Vesne Begović, Dušanke Radović, Dragice Milačić i člana Gavrila Čabarkape, odbija početkom aprila 2012. kao neosnovanu reviziju koju je tražila nova uprava KCCG. Taj sud je zaključio da su predmetnim ugovorom stranke imale namjeru da doktoru Nikoliću pripada ugovorena suma za sve operacije, bez obzira da li ih je lično izvršio ili ne, jer se ugovorena suma nije odnosila samo na operacije nego i na ostale ugovorene obaveze.

Samardžić odbacila krivičnu prijavu protiv Radunovića, Bralića i Miljanović

Poslanica u Skupštini Crne Gore, pokojna Jelisava Kalezić, na osnovu svojih saznanja, dostavila je 2014. i krivičnu prijavu Specijalnom državnom tužilaštvu (SDT) protiv Radunovića, Bralića i Miljanović koji su sa Nikolićem potpisali Ugovor 626 zbog krivičnog djela zloupotreba službenog položaja, koju je tadašnja specijalna tužiteljka Mira Samardžić odbila.

Zanimljivo je da Samardžić, u obrazloženju Rješenja o odbacivanju ove krivične prijave iz 2015, a u koje je CIN-CG imao uvid, navodi da Ugovor 626 nije zaključen u skladu sa Zakonom o radu i podzakonskim aktima, ali da “prijavljena lica (Radunović, Bralić i Miljanović) nijesu postupala umišljajno, odnosno da predmetni ugovor nijesu zaključili kako bi drugom nanijeli štetu ili teže povrijedili prava drugog, niti da bilo kom licu pribave imovinsku korist”.

Samardžić čak zaključuje da se iz dokumentacije Ministarstva zdravlja, KCCG-a i FZOCG-a utvrđuje da je zaključenjem ovog ugovora država Crna Gora ostvarila uštedu najmanje na ime troškova upućivanja pacijenata u kardio centre van države.

Ugovor “važi” i kad je istekao

Nikolić je nastavio da na sudu dobija.

Osnovni sud u Podgorici, odnosno sudija Aleksandar Stanojević, sredinom oktobra 2015. donio je odluku kojom su KCCG i FZOCG dužni da solidarno na ime naknada neisplaćenih za usluge iz Ugovora 626 Nikoliću isplate za period od 1. septembra 2012. do 4. marta 2013. godine - 43 500 eura i oko 7.500 po osnovu kamate.

Iako je Ugovor 626, na osnovu kojeg je sud dosudio Nikoliću novac, važio četiri godine i istekao je 4. marta 2013, Osnovni sud u Podgorici presuđuje da mu se i za period od 4. marta 2013. do 27. februara 2015. plati iznos od 183.000 eura i oko 15.000 po osnovu kamate.

Viši sud u Podgorici, odnosno vijeće koje su činili Magdalena Zečević, Vjera Šljivančanin i Radonja Radonjić, u aprilu 2016. potvrđuje presudu sudije Stanojević, osim u dijelu da se Nikoliću isplati i iznos za period poslije isteka ugovora. Ovaj sud je utvrdio i da nakon isteka Ugovora 626 nije zaključen novi ugovor, niti aneks ranijeg ugovora, pa je zbog toga prvostepeni sud donio pogrešan zaključak da je postojala prećutna saglasnost ugovornih strana za produženje predmetnog ugovora. Presudu je potvrdio i Vrhovni sud Crne Gore, predsjednik vijeća Radoje Orović i članice Vesna Begović, Dragica Milačić, Ranka Vuković i Nataša Božović, u oktobru 2016. godine.

Ustavni sud Crne Gore je 23. aprila 2018. ukinuo presudu Vrhovnog suda i vratio je ovom sudu na ponovni postupak. Obrazloženo je da je Nikoliću povrijeđeno pravo na pravično suđenje. Taj sud, odnosno predsjednica vijeća Desanka Lopičić i članovi Milorad Gogić i Hamdija Šarkinović ponovo, početkom novembra 2020. usvajaju ustavnu žalbu i ukidaju presudu Vrhovnog suda i predmet se vraća na ponovni postupak.

Vrhovni sud, tačnije predsjednica vijeća Vesna Begović i članice Dušanka Radović, Ranka Vuković, Radojka Nikolić i Nataša Božović, krajem aprila 2021. usvaja reviziju i ukida presudu Višeg suda kojom je osporeno Nikolićevo potraživanje nakon isteka ugovora.

Viši sud, odnosno predsjednica vijeća Senka Danilović i članica Ognjana Boljević i član Radoje Radonjić, početkom septembra 2021. potvrđuje prvostepenu presudu Osnovnog suda u Podgorici u dijelu dosuđenih troškova Nikoliću nakon isteka ugovora.

Aktuelni proces

U procesu koji je sada pred podgoričkim Osnovnim sudom sudi Jelena Anđelić. U Nikolićevoj tužbi se navodi da je on, uz redovan ljekarski angažman, gotovo osam godina pružao usluge iz Ugovora 626 - od 4. marta 2009. do 1. marta 2017.

Precizirano je i da je “svoje poslove shodno Ugovoru 626 nastavljao da obavlja sve do 2017, a da su tuženi (KCCG i FZOCG) u cjelosti prihvatili izvršenje obaveza od strane tužioca”.

U tužbi se predlaže da sud donese odluku kojom se “KCCG i FZOCG obavezuju da po osnovu duga za neisplaćene naknade shodno Ugovoru 626 za period od 27. februara 2015. do 1. marta 2017. solidarno isplate iznos koji će biti preciziran nakon vještačenja”. Navedeno je da je vrijednost spora 200 hiljada eura.

Akcenat u tužbi je stavljen na odluku Ustavnog suda da su parnične stranke prećutno produžile trajanje ugovora i da doktor Nikolić ima legitimna očekivanja u pogledu isplate naknada.

Zastupnik FZOCG je izjavio da je zatečen tužbenim zahtjevom, jer je ugovor prestao da važi u martu 2013, dok je advokat KCCG istakao da je Nikolić kao kardiohirurg obavljao sve ove poslove bez licence za koju je aplicirao 2018, a dobio je tek 2021. u Srbiji.

U izjavi na sudu, Nikolić je kazao da je ugovor bio ispoštovan u prve tri godine, te da je na osnovu tog angažmana dobio i državljanstvo Crne Gore.

Kenan Hrapović je u svojstvu svjedoka u aktuelnom postupku pred Osnovnim sudom izjavio da je obaveza FZOCG bila da se dostave dokazi o izvršenim operacijama uz saglasnost direktora KCCG.

“I to je sve išlo tako dok Nikolić nije dostavio dokumentaciju o operacijama, ali bez saglasnosti direktora KCCG-a, što je bila obaveza po ugovoru. Tada se prestalo sa isplatama”, kazao je Hrapović, uz napomenu da misli da je tada direktor bio Milan Mijović.

Miodrag Radunović naveo je u svojoj izjavi da je Nikolić uradio 1.930 operacija na otvorenom srcu sa odličnim rezultatima. On se prisjetio da tada u razgovoru sa direktorom KCCG-a Mijovićem i direktorom FZOCG-a Hrapovićem nijesu mogli donijeti odluku i nijesu mogli potpisati aneks ugovora. Nakon ovoga Nikolić je prećutno nastavio da radi u KCCG.

Ministar zdravlja od marta 2015. do oktobra 2016. Budimir Šegrt na sudu je saopštio da se nakon isteka Ugovora 626 postavilo pitanje njegovog produženja.

“Inicijator produženja ugovora i predloga Vladi bio je bivši ministar Radunović, potpisnik ugovora iz 2009. Vlada je donijela zaključak, ali aneks ugovora nije potpisan od strane KCCG i FZOCG”, naveo je Šegrt.

On je izjavio i “da pretpostavljao da je Nikolić bio prvi edukator iz oblasti kardiohirurgije kolegama Aleksandru Mugoši i Aleksandru Radoviću”. Međutim, nešto kasnije je, kaže, utvrdio da ih Nikolić nije mogao obučavati “jer su već imali formalno pravnu potvrdu da su savladali znanja i vještine za samostalno obavljanje posla iz oblasti kardiohirurgije”.

Kardiohirurg Aleksandar Mugoša izjavio je da je ostao frapiran saznanjem da je Nikoliću do 2014. isplaćeno 554.054 eura i plus iznos od 247.959 eura po osnovu pravosnažnih presuda Osnovnog suda u Podgorici.

“Nakon mukotrpnog učenja i rada shvatio sam da sam za svoj rad plaćan tri i po do četiri eura po satu, dok je Nikolić radio za iznos od 20 hiljada eura mjesečno, s tim da je on u Crnoj Gori bio prisutan samo devet radnih dana, pa ispada da mjesečno radio za 40 hiljada eura”, izjavio je on.

Kardiohirurg Aleksandar Radović, aktuelni direktor KCCG, je na sudu izjavio da mu Nikolić nije bio mentor, nit i da ga je ikad obučavao.

“Niti je mogao”.

On tvrdi da Nikolić u periodu od 2015. do 2017. nije imao specijalizaciju kardiohirurgije.

“Smatram ovaj slučaj jednim od najvećih kriminala u Crnoj Gori”, izjavio je kao svjedok u Osnovnom sudu u Podgorici početkom aprila ove godine kardiohirurg Srđan Pavićević, inače aktuelni potpredsjednik Vlade Crne Gore.

“Nikolić niti je obučavao mene, niti mi je bio mentor, niti je bio mentor mojim kolegama Mugoši i Radoviću samim tim što je Nikolić, po mojim saznanjima, postao kardiohirurg tek 2021. ili 2022. godine”, kazao je Pavićević.

Istakao je da u Centru za kardiohirurgiju Nikolić nije uveo prakse koje nijesu rađene i ranije.

“Niti je on radio operacije koje smo mi rutinski radili, kao što je bajpas operacija na kucajućem srcu. Nikolić je ugovor zaključio na veoma specifičan način koji ne poznaje pravna legislativa, jer po svim ugovorima zaposleni bi bio obavezan da bude prisutan 30 dana u mjesecu kao načelnik, a Nikolić je bio prisutan 10 dana, a odsutan 20 dana, jer je radio u Makedoniji. Dok je on radio u Makedoniji, a mi obavljamo operacije, njemu se za svaku tu operaciju inkasira 500 eura”, kazao je Pavićević.

Sljedeće ročište u ovom procesu zakazano je za početak jula 2024. godine.

Spor oko licence

Pitanje je da li je u vrijeme kada je sklopio ugovor sa KCCG dr Nikolić u formalnom smislu ispunjavao sve uslove za rad specijaliste kardiohirurga u toj instituciji, odnosno da li je on tada uopšte imao licencu za kardiohirurga.

U martu 2014. poslanica u Skupštini Crne Gore Jelisava Kalezić tadašnjem ministru zdravlja Miodragu Radunoviću postavila je poslaničko pitanje:

“Koja je institucija ili njen predstavnik inicirala sklapanje Ugovora 626, čiji ste ključni potpisnik? Na osnovu koje elaboracije je donesna odluka da se na način predviđen ovim ugovorom angažuje Nikolić, iako po Zakonu o zdravstvenoj zaštiti, kao ni Pravilniku Ljekarske komore Crne Gore nije imao pravo na licencu supspecijalste kardiohirurgije?”.

Ni sam Nikolić ne navodi da je završio specijalizaciju iz kardiohirurgije. U njegovoj biografiji, koja je dostupna na sajtu Univerziteta Crne Gore (UCG), navodi se da je diplomirao na Medicinskom fakultetu u Novom Sadu 1990, a da je u periodu od 1991. do 1995. specijalizovao opštu hirurgiju na Medicinskom fakultetu na Univerzitetu u Novom Sadu. Magistarski i doktorski rad mu se odnose na teme iz kardiohirurgije.

Stručno se usavršavao u Ohaju u SAD-u u toku šest mjeseci tokom 1998, kao i 2000. u Milanu, i 2003. u Monaku, gdje je takođe proveo po pola godine.

Ljekarska komora Crne Gore (LJKCG) izdala je Nikoliću licencu za rad kao specijalisti opšte hirurgije-kardiovaskularne hirurgije, prvi put 2008. na godinu dana.

Licencu je potpisao tadašnji predsjednik LJKCG Đoko Jočić koji je, nakon što je u toku sudskog procesa izbila afera oko Nikolićeve licence, krajem 2013. objasnio da je prije Crne Gore Nikolić licencu dobio od Regionalne Lekarske komore Vojvodine i Ljekarske komore Makedonije.

“Tada je Ministarstvo zdravlja formiralo komisiju od eminentnih stručnjaka i donešena odluka da se njegova stručna usavršavanja mogu tretirati kao specijalizacija kardiohirurgije i da on dobije zvanje kardiohirurga”, rekao je Jočić.

Jočića je ubrzo demantovao sam ministar zdravlja Radunović, koji je, u martu 2014, odgovarajući na pitanje poslanice Kalezić, kazao da “Ministarstvo zdravlja nikada nije formiralo komisiju koja bi eventualno odlučivala o priznanju subspecijalizacije iz kardiologije Aleksandra Nikolića”.

Lekarska komora Srbije (LKS) izdala je Nikoliću 2009. licencu specijaliste opšte hirurgije na period od sedam godina. Licencu kao specijalisti opšte hirurgije - kardiohirurgije Regionalna Lekarska komora Vojvodine izdaje mu u decembru 2010.

U martu 2011. iz LKS su saopštili da je Lekarska komora Vojvodine izdala licencu Aleksandru Nikoliću bez odgovarajuće diplome supspecijalizacije kardiohirurgije. Navedeno je da nijedan medicinski fakultet u Srbiji nije izdao spornu diplomu i da je rješenje Regionalne Lekarske komore Vojvodine o ispunjenosti uslova za njeno izdavanje - nezakonito.

“LKS neće dozvoliti da bilo ko dobije licencu za stepen znanja koji ne poseduje, jer ljekar s takvom licencom može dovesti u opasnost pacijente liječeći ih neodgovarajućim metodama i načinima”, istakla je tada doktorica i tadašnja direktorka LKS Tatjana Radosavljević.

CIN-CG je za potrebe ovog teksta ponovo kontaktirao LKS i tražio informaciju da li je i kada Nikolić dobio licencu za specijalistu kardiohirurgije i na osnovu koje specijalizacije. Ni poslije dužeg čekanja, do objavljivanja ovog teksta odgovor nije stigao.

Nikolićeva akademska karijera

Aleksandar Nikolić je trenutno predavač na Medicinskom fakultetu na Univerzitetu Crne Gore (UCG) u Podgorici, čiji je dekan Miodrag Radunović, za vrijeme čijeg ministarskog mandata je Nikolić i angažovan, a koji je kod Vlade i inicirao da mu se ugovor koji mu predviđa 500 eura po operaciji produži.

Nikolić je izabran u akademsko zvanje docent u julu 2015. za vrijeme mandata rektorke UCG Radmile Vojvodić.

Rektor UCG Vladimir Božović u junu 2021. potpisao je odluku kojom se Nikolić bira u zvanje vanrednog profesora za hiruršku grupu kliničkih medicinskih predmeta i grupu predmeta uvoda u medicinu.

Na sajtu UCG može se vidjeti da Nikolić predaje sljedeće premete - medicinska etika, hirurgija sa traumatologijom, hirurgija, etika u sestrinstvu, istorija medicine, kliničke vještine, timski rad i komunikacija.

Despite being a protected area, the effectiveness of protection in 'Rijeka Zeta' is undermined by inadequate legal frameworks and poor implementation. Additionally, waste in the region poses a threat to public health.

Tijana Lekić

Wildlandfills in the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park contain various waste—tires, construction debris, dead animals, food scraps, textiles, car parts, and furniture. There seems to be no limit to what ends up in these illegal dumpsites.

This protected area spans 120 square kilometers and covers parts of both the Podgorica and Danilovgrad municipalities. The Podgorica section, which covers 26 square kilometers, is managed by the Agency for Management of Protected Areas of Podgorica (AUZP), while the remainder of the park falls within Danilovgrad.

The largest landfill, covering an area of one square kilometer, is located in Mareza, alongside the highway near the "Imanje Knjaz" restaurant, just outside Podgorica. This massive dump is a severe threat to the local ecosystem and public health.

According to staff from the AUZP Protection Service, the rangers responsible for monitoring the Podgorica section of the park, the large landfill in Mareza is flooded with the first rains, causing the waste to spread across the flooded area.

Illegal landfills attract pests like mice, flies, and rats, which can spread infectious diseases. They also contaminate the soil and groundwater, as the waste often contains heavy metals and other hazardous substances.

A few months after the park was established, in early 2020, AUZP encountered a problem with unclear jurisdiction regarding the illegal dumping of waste, particularly between the Podgorica Communal Police and the Environmental Inspection.

AUZP informed the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG) that the Environmental Inspection considers itself responsible only for hazardous waste. At the same time, according to the Inspection, the Podgorica Municipal Police is tasked with managing other types of garbage.

However, the Communal Police assert that the Environmental Inspection is responsible for all types of waste in protected areas under the Nature Protection Act.

"Regarding protected areas, the rangers are responsible for monitoring the terrain. If they detect any issues, they report them to the Directorate for Inspection Affairs so that the necessary procedures can be initiated," the Podgorica Communal Police told CIN-CG. However, they did not answer questions about potential legal gaps that might limit their effectiveness.

An even more pressing issue is that the Law on Waste Management does not address private land, meaning the Podgorica service "Čistoća" is not obligated to remove waste from private properties.

"We only remove waste upon request from private landowners," the "Čistoća" service said in a statement to CIN-CG.

Thanks to field data provided by the rangers, AUZP's professional service has created a comprehensive database detailing the locations and types of waste.

"Čistoća has removed all landfills located on state-owned plots identified by the rangers during their daily patrols, but these sites are often re-established," AUZP reported.

Many illegal landfills in the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park have existed for years, likely even before the area was designated a protected zone, and they continue to proliferate despite the designation. People responsible for improper waste disposal often dump at night, a pattern confirmed by AUZP.

"The fines imposed are insufficient for the severity of the offense. According to information from the Municipal Police, the fine for the improper disposal of waste by trucks is only 20 euros," AUZP told CIN-CG.

Under the Decision on Communal Order, the owner of a private plot within a protected area is responsible for maintaining their property. If they fail, the inspector or ranger visits the site, records the condition in a report, and instructs the property owner to clean up their yard.

"The fine for a natural person ranges from 20 to 1,000 euros," the Podgorica Communal Police stated.

EU countries enforce much stricter regulations. In Italy, fines for illegal waste dumping range from 300 to 3,000 euros, with penalties increasing to 1,000 to 10,000 euros as of October 2023. In cases involving hazardous waste, the fine can rise to 20,000 euros. The Italian Code of the Cultural and Landscape Heritage holds the individual who dumps the waste responsible, and the landowner where the waste is found.

"Since 2020, no criminal cases have been filed for the offense of polluting the environment with waste," the Basic Court in Podgorica reported to CIN-CG.

Montenegro's Criminal Code prescribes prison sentences ranging from three months to eight years for those who, through waste management activities, endanger human life, health, or the environment. If the offense was committed negligently, penalties range from fines to five years in prison, and if the offense results in serious injury, health damage, or death, the sentence can be between two and twelve years.

AUZP informed CIN-CG that three months ago, representatives from relevant institutions, companies, and inspections responsible for waste management met in Podgorica. The meeting concluded with a decision to invite plot owners with wild landfills to a meeting in the capital.

"The Property Directorate of Podgorica has been tasked with identifying the owners of these landfills using the AUZP's database and inviting them to a meeting in Podgorica. Some owners may not be aware of the condition of their properties," AUZP explained.

At the meeting, owners will be informed that the landfills will be removed, but if the waste is disposed of again, they will be held accountable, and legal action will be taken.

It is common for people to set fire to waste in these illegal dumps, posing significant risks to the health of nearby residents. When waste burns, harmful substances such as dioxins are released into the air, contaminating the air, water, and soil.

According to rangers interviewed by CIN-CG, land near the largest landfill is being exploited. "We caught people stealing land from the area and then selling it."

The question remains where this land goes, what it is used for, and what health risks it may pose.

One of the five main objectives of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans, which Montenegro signed in 2020, is reducing air, water, and soil pollution. In April 2024, the Law on Waste Management was adopted, but it does not detail the issue of landfills on private properties in protected areas.

Recently, a group of NGOs proposed implementing the digitalization of inspection services and applications as part of reorganizing the Directorate for Inspection Affairs. This could improve transparency, combat corruption, and increase service efficiency.

Construction First, Consequences Later: The Cost of Unplanned Development

A woman sits in front of her house, reading a newspaper, while excavators and backhoes work beside a high concrete fence, laying foundations for new construction. In Velje Brdo, within the protected "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park, an entire new settlement is emerging—just one of many construction sites in the area.

For this investigation, a CIN-CG journalist visited the Podgorica section of the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park with AUZP rangers and observed seven newly constructed illegal buildings in Velje Brdo alone. Foundations, concrete slabs, and load-bearing walls were visible at some sites. While many buildings were unfinished, some had notices from the Environmental Inspection prohibiting construction, with a few also receiving construction bans from the Building Inspection.

However, these warnings were often ignored. Some construction continues in the park's third protection zone, while others are being built in the second zone, where only temporary structures are permitted by law.

None of these buildings had been demolished. At one site under construction for months, workers continued digging freely in front of the CIN-CG team despite the owner's lack of approval from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) at the time. CIN-CG later learned that the EPA approval was obtained the day after the visit.

Such cases highlight a common issue in Montenegro—construction begins without permits, and the licenses are sought afterward, resulting in the eventual legalization of many structures.

The rangers explain that those building in the protected area were initially afraid of the Podgorica Protected Areas Management Agency's enforcement efforts. However, as time passed and no serious sanctions were imposed, more people began building without concern. "The inspection comes, issues a report, and then construction continues," the rangers explain.

Conditional Penalties for Illegal Construction: A Threat to the Environment

In recent months, rangers have submitted 11 requests to the Environmental Inspection and eight to the Building Inspection regarding illegal construction in the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park.

The Urban and Construction Inspection, part of the Ministry of Spatial Planning, Urbanism, and State Property (MDUP), oversees illegal buildings under the Law on Spatial Planning and Construction of Buildings. Meanwhile, the Environmental Inspection monitors protected areas under the Law on Environmental Protection.

"Regarding illegal construction, since 2020, 14 decisions have been made to halt further activities, six requests for misdemeanor proceedings have been filed, and one criminal report has been submitted," the Environmental Inspection told CIN-CG.

They also highlighted a legal paradox: the current Law on Nature Protection does not impose misdemeanor liability on individuals engaging in unauthorized activities in protected areas, even though such provisions should exist. "We believe that penalties should be enforced through other regulations, such as spatial planning documents," the Environmental Inspection added.

As of the publication of this article, CIN-CG had not received responses to the numerous questions sent to the Urban Planning and Construction Inspection.

The Basic Court in Podgorica informed CIN-CG that from 2020 to the present, 35 verdicts and 29 judgments were issued for the criminal offense of building without proper registration or construction documentation across the capital. All of the sentences in these cases were conditional, except for one involving a repeat offense, resulting in three months of house arrest, despite the crime being punishable by six to five years in prison.

Of the 29 cases, only two plots were involved within the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park in the Velje Brdo area, and both resulted in conditional sentences.

The Podgorica Basic Court also reported that since 2020, no cases have been filed for the criminal offense of illegal construction, commissioning, or operation of facilities that pollute the environment, and no final judgments have been made for this offense—penalties for this crime range from six months to 12 years in prison.

In Italy, Illegal Construction Can Lead to the Seizure of Property

In European Union countries, such as Italy, the legal representative of a protected natural area—like Montenegro's AUZP—has the authority to immediately suspend construction and mandate the restoration of the area to its original state. Those who authorized the illegal construction and the companies involved are legally required to cover all costs associated with rehabilitating the damaged area. If they fail to do so, the municipality has the right to seize the property.

Montenegro still has a long way to go, aligning its practices with those of the EU and enforcing its own laws, which are often disregarded. As a result, protected areas and public health remain compromised, with little accountability for those responsible.

Rampant Bird Poaching Threatens Wildlife in Montenegro

Poaching is a major contributor to the degradation of the "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park, with birds being the primary target.

While hunting is permitted on Sundays, illegal practices occur throughout the week. Poachers use decoys, such as speakers, MP3 players, and batteries, expressly prohibited devices. At night, the sounds of quails' calls, amplified by these devices, can be heard for kilometers. The quails are drawn to the sound, landing to rest and feed, only to be ambushed by poachers at dawn.

The Montenegrin Law on Game and Hunting explicitly forbids the use of decoys, recognizing that they lead to the mass killing of wildlife. Rangers told CIN-CG, "Given the number of spent cartridges found in the dugouts, it's clear that the birds were lured there in advance."

Montenegro is home to 352 bird species, representing 65% of Europe's total biodiversity, which includes 533 species. The "Rijeka Zeta" Nature Park is rich in plant and animal species, many of which are protected under EU Natura 2000 laws.

Fish poaching has been less prevalent in the Podgorica section of the park, but rangers still encounter hidden boats. They caution that fish caught in the area should not be consumed due to pollution.

Iako je zaštićeno područje, zaštita nije djelotvorna zbog neadekvatnih zakonskih rješenja, ali i činjenice da se ni ona ne implementiraju na pravi način. Otpad prijeti i zdravlju građana

Tijana Lekić

Gume, građevinski otpad, uginule životinje, ostaci hrane, tekstilni otpadi, djelovi auta, namještaja - nema šta nema na divljim deponijama kojih je obilje na teritoriji parka prirode (PP) “Rijeka Zeta”.

Ovo zaštićeno područje se prostire na 120 kvadratnih kilometara i pripada teritorijama opština Podgorica i Danilovgrad. Podgorička strana obuhvata 26 kvadratnih kilometara i njom upravlja Agencija za upravljanje zaštićenim područjima Podgorice (AUZP), dok je ostatak Parka u danilovgradskoj opštini.

Najveća deponija se prostire na jednom kvadratnom kilometru i nalazi se na Marezi, pored magistrale, u blizini restorana “Imanje Knjaz”, nadomak Podgorice. To je ozbiljna prijetnja za ekologiju, a i za zdravlje građana.

Prema riječima zaposlenih u Službi zaštite AUZP, rendžerima koji kontrolišu dio parka na teritoriji Podgorice, ova velika deponija poplavi sa prvim kišama i tim plavnim područjem otpad se samo širi.

Ilegalne deponije, osim što privlače štetočine kao što su miševi, muve, pacovi koje mogu da šire zarazne bolesti, takođe zagađuju zemljište i podzemne vode, jer otpad često sadrži teške metale i druge opasne supstance.

Nekoliko mjeseci od osnivanja Parka, početkom 2020. godine, AUZP se suočava u operativnom radu sa problemom nejasno definisanih nadležnosti podgoričke Komunalne policije i Ekološke inspekcije kada je u pitanju nelegalno odlaganje otpada.

Iz AUZP su saopštili Centru za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) da iz Ekološke inspekcije smatraju da su nadležni samo za opasne otpade, dok je za sve ostale vrste otpada nadležna podgorička Komunalna policija.

Međutim, iz Komunalne policije tvrde da je po Zakonu o zaštiti prirode za sve vrste otpada u zaštićenim područjima nadležna Ekološka inspekcija.

“Kada govorimo o zaštićenim područjima, rendžeri su zaduženi za nadzor terena. Ako konstatuju neke probleme, to javljaju Upravi za inspekcijske poslove kako bi se pokrenuo postupak”, naveli su iz podgoričke Komunalne policije za CIN-CG.

Ta policija, međutim, nije odgovorila na pitanje da li ima nekih zakonskih nedostataka koji ograničavaju njihov rad i koji su to nedostaci.

Još veći problem predstavlja činjenica što Zakon o upravljanju otpadom ne prepoznaje privatno zemljište, pa podgorička služba “Čistoća” nema obavezu da odnosi otpad sa privatnih imanja.

“Vršimo uklanjanje otpada samo po zahtjevu vlasnika privatnih parcela”, kazali su iz “Čistoće” za CIN-CG.

Stručna služba AUZP je, zahvaljujući podacima sa terena koje im prenose rendžeri, napravila detaljnu bazu podataka sa lokacijama i vrstama otpada.

“Sve deponije koje su bile na parcelama koje su državnom vlasništvu, a na koje su ukazali rendžeri prilikom svakodnevnih obilazaka terena, ‘Čistoća’ je uklanjala, ali su često nanovo pravljene”, istakli su iz AUZP.

Brojne divlje deponije koje se nalaze na prostoru PP “Rijeka Zeta” postoje dugo, vjerovatno su bile tu i prije proglašenja ovoga prostora zaštićenim područjem, ali nastavljaju da se šire i nakon proglašenja. Osobe koje nepropisno odlažu otpad, uglavnom biraju vrijeme, pa to čine pretežno noću, potvrđuju iz AUZP.

“Kazne nijesu adekvatne težini učinjenog djela. Tako je prema saznanjima dobijenim od Komunalne policije predviđena kazna za nepropisno odlaganje kamiona otpada bila svega 20 eura”, rekli su iz AUZP za CIN-CG.

Vlasnik privatne parcele u zaštićenom području dužan je da, prema Odluci o komunalnom redu, vodi računa o svom posjedu, a ukoliko to ne radi, inspektor ili rendžer izlaskom na lice mjesta, konstatuje zapisnički zatečeno stanje i ukazuje rješenje subjektu nadzora da svoje dvorište uredi.

“Kazna za fizičko lice je od 20 do hiljadu eura”, naveli su iz Komunalne policije Podgorice.

Zemlje Evropske unije (EU) imaju mnogo strože zakone i praksu. U Italiji je tako prekršajna kazna za onoga koji je uhvaćen da odlaže nelegalno otpad bila od 300 do tri hiljade eura, a od oktobra 2023, čak i povećana i sada iznosi od hiljadu do 10 hiljada eura. Ako su u pitanju opasni otpadi, kazna može ići i do 20 hiljada eura. U italijanskom Zakonu kulurnog nasljeđa i pejzaža navodi se da nije samo onaj ko je nelegalno odložio otpad kriv, već i vlasnik zemljišta na kojem se nalazi otpad može odgovarati.

“Od 2020. do danas nije bilo formiranih krivičnih predmeta zbog krivičnog djela zagađenje životne sredine otpadom”, saopštili su iz Osnovnog suda Podgorica za CIN-CG.

Krivični zakonik Crne Gore (KZCG) propisuje kazne od tri mjeseca do osam godina zatvora onome ko sakupljanjem, prevozom, preradom, odlaganjem ili odstranjivanjem otpada izazove opasnost za život, tijelo ili zdravlje ljudi ili opasnost - znatnu štetu - u odnosu na kvalitet vazduha, vode ili zemljišta ili za životinjski ili biljni svijet. Ako je djelo učinjeno iz nehata, onda zakon propisuje kazne od novčanih do pet godina zatvora, a u slučaju da je djelo dovelo do teških tjelesnih povreda, teškog narušavanja zdravlja ili smrti jedne ili više osoba, učinilac se može kazniti zatvorom od dvije do dvanaest godina.

Iz AUZP su CIN-CG-u kazali da je prije tri mjeseca u Podgorici održan sastanak predstavnika svih relevantnih ustanova, preduzeća, lokalnih i državnih inspekcija nadležnih za ovu problematiku, kao i drugih koje mogu da da doprinesu rješenju ovoga problema i da je tom prilikom donesen zaključak da se vlasnici parcela na kojima postoje divlje deponije pozovu na razgovor u prostorije Glavnog grada.

“Direkcija za imovinu Podgorice je dobila zadatak da uz pomoć AUZP-ove baze divljih deponija, identifikuje vlasnike i pozove ih na sastanak u Glavni grad, jer postoji mogućnost da neki nijesu ni upoznati u kakvom su stanju njihove parcele”, istakli su iz AUZP.

Na tom sastanku vlasnici će biti informisani o tome da će deponije biti uklonjene, ali da bi, u slučaju ponovnog odlaganja otpada, svako snosio odgovornost za stanje svoga imanja, odnosno da bi protiv njih bio pokrenut postupak.

Često se dešava da neko zapali otpad na ovim divljim deponijama. Tada se javlja rizik po zdravlje stanovništva u blizini. Kada se požari aktiviraju, šire se štetne i otrovne materije - na primjer, sagorijevanje plastičnih materijala generiše dioksine i slična jedinjenja, pa se tako zagađuje vazduh, voda, zemljište…

Blizu najveće deponije se i eksploatiše zemlja, kažu rendžeri sa kojima je razgovarao CIN-CG.

“Uhvatali smo ih kako odatle kradu zemlju i poslije to prodaju”.

Pitanje je kuda odlazi ta zemlja i za šta služi, kao i kakve posljedice po zdravlje njena upotreba može da izazove.

Jedna od pet glavnih tačaka Zelene agende za Zapadni Balkan, koju je Crna Gora potpisala 2020. godine, jeste smanjenje zagađenja vazduha, vode i zemljišta. Sredinom aprila 2024. godine usvojen je Zakon o upravljanju otpadom, ali on se detaljnije ne bavi deponijama na privatnim imanjima u zaštićenim područjima.

Tim više nevladinih organizacija nedavno je predložio da se, u okviru reorganizacije Uprave za inspekcijske poslove, usvoji digitalizacija inspekcijskih službi i prijava. To bi moglo povećati transparentnost, borbu protiv korupcije u ovoj oblasti i efikasnost službi.

Prvo se gradi, pa šta bude, biće

Jedna žena sjedi ispred svoje kuće i čita novine. Pored nje, uz visoku betonsku ogradu rade bageri, rovokopač, grade se temelji… Na Veljem brdu, u zaštićenoj zoni PP, niče čitavo novo naselje. No, to je samo jedno od gradilišta.

Novinarka CIN-CG-a je za potrebe ovog istraživanja, obišla podgorički dio PP “Rijeka Zeta” sa rendžerima AUZP-a i imala priliku da vidi da je na prostoru Veljeg brda u posljednje vrijeme niklo čak sedam bespravnih objekata.

Vide se gotovo postavljeni temelji, betonske ploče i noseći zidovi na pojedinim objektima. Pored većine nedovršenih objekata istaknuto je rješenje Ekološke inspekcije o zabrani gradnje, a manji broj ima i zabranu Građevinske inspekcije.

Ali, samo su neki zbog tih zabrana zaustavili gradnju, a dio ne odustaje. Jedni grade u trećoj zoni zaštite ovog parka prirode, a neko i u drugoj, gdje bi mogli po zakonu biti postavljeni samo privremeni objekti.

Nijedan od ovih objekata nije porušen. Interesantno, na jednom objektu koji se već mjesecima gradi, radnici su slobodno kopali ispred ekipe CIN-CG, iako vlasnik tog objekta u tom momentu nije imao saglasnost Agencije za zaštitu životne sredine (EPA). CIN-CG je saznao da je saglasnost od EPA dobijena dan nakon naše posjete.

Ovakvi slučajevi ukazuju na pogubnu praksu koja je učestala u Crnoj Gori - prvo se gradi bez dozvola, pa šta bude. Dozvole se traže naknadno i tako se legalizuju mnogi objekti.

Rendžeri objašnjavaju da su oni koji grade u zaštićenom području u početku pomalo i “štrecali” od službe zaštite Agencije za upravljanje zaštićenim područjima Podgorice.

“Međutim, kako vrijeme prolazi i oni vide da ozbiljnijih sankcija nema, svi su krenuli da grade, pa šta bude da bude… Inspekcija izađe, dobiju prijavu, a onda nastave da grade”.

Kazne za bespravnu gradnju koja uništava životnu sredinu uglavnom uslovne

Rendžeri su u proteklom periodu podnijeli 11 zahtjeva za reagovanje Ekološkoj inspekciji i osam zahtjeva Građevinskoj inspekciji zbog bespravne gradnje u parku prirode “Rijeka Zeta”.

Za nadzor na protivpravno izgrađenim objektima, shodno Zakonu o planiranju prostora i izgradnji objekata, zadužena je Urbanističko-građevinska inspekcija u okviru Ministarstva prostornog planiranja, urbanizma i državne imovine (MDUP).

Prema Zakonu o zaštiti životne sredine, Ekološka inspekcija nadležna je da vrši kontrole u zaštićenim područjima.

“Što se tiče ilegalne gradnje, od 2020. godine donoseno je 14 rješenja o zabrani daljih aktivnosti, a podneseno šest zahtjeva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka i jedna krivična prijava”, kažu iz Ekološke inspekcije za CIN-CG.

Objašnjavaju i da se, u zakonskom smislu, dešava paradoks. Naime, trenutno važećim Zakonom o zaštiti prirode nije propisana prekršajna odgovornost za fizičko lice ukoliko vrši radnje, aktivnosti i djelatnosti u zaštićenom području prirode bez dozvole Agencije za zaštitu prirode, iako bi to trebalo da postoji.

“Smatramo da bi trebalo primijeniti tu zabranu i kaznu i kroz druga dokumenta, kao što je prostorno-planska dokumentacija”, navode još iz Ekološke inspekcije.

CIN-CG do objavljivanja ovog teksta nije uspio da dobije odgovore na brojna pitanja koja je uputio Urbanističko-građevinskoj inspekciji.

Iz Osnovnog suda Podgorica su saopštili za CIN-CG da je od 2020. do danas formirano 35, a donijeto je 29 presuda zbog krivičnog djela građenje objekta bez prijave i dokumentacije za građenje. Te presude se odnose na bespravnu gradnju na čitavoj teritoriji Glavnog grada. U svim presudama u koje je CIN-CG imao uvid, kazne su uslovne, samo je u jednom slučaju, koji se tiče produženog krivičnog djela, sud izrekao kaznu kućnog zatvora od tri mjeseca, iako je za ovo krivično djelo predviđena kazna od šest mjeseci do pet godina zatvora.

Od 29 presuda, samo dvije se tiču parcela koje se nalaze u parku prirode “Rijeka Zeta”, na prostoru Veljeg Brda, i obje kazne izrečene u njima su uslovne.

CIN-CG-u je iz Osnovnog suda Podgorica rečeno da od 2020. godine do danas nije bilo formiranih predmeta zbog krivičnog djela protivpravna izgradnja, stavljanja u pogon i rad objekata i postrojenja koja zagađuju životnu sredinu. Nije bilo ni pravosnažnih presuda koje se odnose na navedeno krivično djelo. Za ovo djelo kazne su od šest mjeseci do 12 godina zatvora.

U Italiji mogu da otuđe vlasništvo nad parcelama gdje se ilegalno gradi

U zemljama Evropske unije, recimo Italiji, pravni zastupnik zaštićenog prirodnog područja, kao što je to u Crnoj Gori AUZP, može da izda rješenje za momentalnu obustavu radova i vraćanje zaštićenog područija u pređašnje stanje. Onaj ko je naručio gradnju, ali i firme koje su pristale da grade nezakonito, imaju zakonsku obavezu da snose sve troškove oko saniranja uništenog područja, u protivnom opština ima pravo i da otuđi ruinirano vlasništvo.

Crnoj Gori predstoji još dug put, ne samo da uskladi prakse sa onima u EU, već da implementira sopstvene zakone, koji se često krše, priroda zaštićenih područja i zdravlje ljudi se uništavaju, a za to gotovo niko ne odgovara.

Izražen krivolov na ptice

Devastaciji parka prirode “Rijeka Zeta” doprinosi i krivolov. Na meti su uglavnom ptice.

Nedjeljom je dozvoljen lov, ali se čak i drugim danima mogu pronaći vabilice koje se sastoje od zvučnika, nosača zvuka (npr. mp3 plejer) i baterije, što nije dozvoljeno.

Tokom noći mogu se čuti zvuci koji oponašaju pjesmu prepelica, koji su toliko glasni i čuju se nekoliko kilometara. Prepelice taj zvuk mami zbog hrane i odmora. Tako zvukovima obmanute ptice slijeću i čekaju zoru kada dolaze krivolovci i ubijaju ih.

Crnogorski Zakon o divljači i lovstvu jasno zabranjuje upotrebu vabilica prilikom lova, jer se na taj način divljač masovno uništava.

“S obzirom na količinu ispaljenih patrona koju smo našli u lugovima, nemoguće je da je toliko ptica ubijeno tokom vikenda na jednom mjestu, ako prethodno nijesu namamljene”, objašnjavaju rendžeri za CIN-CG.

U Crnoj Gori je do sada registrovano 352 vrsta ptica, a to je čak 65 odsto vrsta biodiverzitetskog bogatstva Evrope, gdje ima oko 533 vrste.

Na teritoriji parka prirode “Rijeka Zeta” registrovane su i brojne biljne i životinjske vrste, kao i Natura 2000 staništa, koja su zaštićena zakonima EU.

Rendžeri za CIN-CG kažu da je riblji krivolov zasada manje izražen u podgoričkom dijelu Parka kojim oni upravljaju, iako naiđu na neki sakriveni čun. Ulovljena riba nije preporučljiva za ishranu, baš zbog zagađenja.

Under Đukanović's tenure, Branimir Martinović's company emerged as the leading pharmaceutical distributor. In the decades that followed, it reached a turnover of hundreds of millions, yet it continues to maintain a monopoly, effectively rendering public tenders in this sector meaningless

Predrag NIKOLIĆ

Currently, 906 branded medicines are listed under the basic, supplementary, and special regime categories, all funded by the Republic Health Fund (FZO). Of these, 92 percent are represented or exclusively distributed by Glosarij, a company owned by Branimir Martinović, along with its subsidiaries Glosarij CD and Medica. Another 7.5 percent is represented by Farmerga, a company owned by the German group Fenix, while a few smaller Montenegrin pharmaceutical companies distribute the remaining 0.5 percent.
"This effectively means that for 92 percent of these medicines listed in public procurement tenders, the supplier is predetermined, as they are the authorized agent and distributor-in this case, Glosarij and its subsidiaries," wrote Goran Marinović, former director of Montefarm, in a letter to relevant institutions. "The same applies to Farmerga and the other few players involved. This situation makes public tenders meaningless, as the outcome is known in advance."
Marinović proposed that this issue be addressed through amendments to the new Law on Health Care, suggesting that Montefarm or the FZO take over at least part of the procurement responsibilities to ensure greater transparency and competition.
Instead of responding with a plan to dismantle the decades-long monopoly of a private company over the pharmaceutical market, which continues to grow and now exceeds €100 million annually, the Government dismissed Goran Marinović. The Minister of Health, Dr. Vojislav Šimun of the Europe Now Movement (PES), even announced plans to file a criminal complaint against Marinović for alleged misconduct.
Marinović told the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG) that his dismissal was politically motivated. During the rule of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), the opposition repeatedly accused Glosarij of enjoying a privileged status. It claimed that the company was one of the key financial backers of Milo Đukanović's party.
Following the change of Government in 2020, Nebojša Medojević, president of the Movement for Change (PZP), accused Milojko Spajić, then Minister of Finance in the 42nd Government, of making an illegal deal with Glosarij. He later alleged that the company was also a financier of the Europe Now Movement (PES) election campaign.
In February 2023, just before officially retiring from Government and at the start of the presidential election race, Spajić launched his campaign from the City Tavern (Gradska kafana) in Cetinje—a venue owned by Branimir Martinović.

DOMINATION
Following the change of Government, Glosarij not only retained the monopoly it held during the rule of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), but its profits also surged significantly. The company was recognized as the fastest-growing business in Montenegro for two consecutive years, in 2021 and 2022.
Over the past three years, Glosarij recorded total revenues exceeding €340 million, €99.9 million in 2021, €112.8 million in 2022, and €128.3 million in 2023. The company posted a net profit of over €5 million each year, totaling more than €16 million across the three years.
The Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG) has obtained documentation indicating the existence of a systemically legalized monopoly in the pharmaceutical procurement system.
In 2023, Montefarm's medicine procurement budget was €99.1 million, of which 83.15 percent was awarded to Glosarij. After a mid-year budget revision raised the amount to €115.4 million, Glosarij still captured 71.38 percent of the total, amounting to €82.4 million. The company also held the dominant share in Montefarm's procurement budget in the previous two years.
According to Article 14 of Montenegro's Law on the Protection of Competition, a market participant is presumed to hold a dominant position if its market share exceeds 50 percent. Furthermore, the law states that two or more participants are supposed to hold a collective dominant position if they control more than 60 percent of the market and face no significant competition.
Such a market structure—particularly in the critical area of pharmaceutical procurement—is considered highly problematic by European Union standards. Under EU law and practice, monopolies in healthcare procurement pose a serious threat to public finances and the integrity of the health system. Yet, Montenegrin authorities, including the Agency for the Protection of Competition, have not taken adequate steps to address the issue.
According to CIN-CG sources, foreign experts, the World Bank, and other international institutions have raised concerns about this monopoly, warning of its risks regarding potential corruption and the absence of genuine competition.
Despite holding an overwhelming monopoly in the pharmaceutical market, Glosarij did not operate alone. Through its affiliated companies—Glosarij CD and Medica—it exercised what the law defines as collective dominance. In the past year alone, Glosarij CD received €13.6 million from the public budget for medicine procurement, and Medica received €6.4 million. Combined with Glosarij's share, the total reached €102.5 million, accounting for a staggering 88.8 percent of the overall budget for medicine procurement in 2023.
This concentration has been consistent in recent years: in 2022, these three companies controlled 76.68 percent of the procurement budget, and in 2021, 76.30 percent.
Another major player, Farmerga, held a smaller yet significant share. 2023 it received €19.9 million, or 17.29 percent of the budget. In 2022, the company's share was 17.17 percent (€13.1 million); in 2021, €14.6 million, making up 18.67 percent of the total medicine procurement funds.
Remarkably, due to a mid-year budget rebalancing, the final disbursements exceeded the original allocation. As a result, private companies collectively withdrew 106 percent of the initial state budget for medicine procurement in 2023, a figure enabled by the reallocation of public funds.

Montefarm's Import Practices: No Imports Unless It's a Crisis
The state-owned company Montefarm has been excluded from these substantial transactions for nearly a decade.
"Montefarm has not imported any medicines in the last seven or eight years, except for occasional emergency purchases when stocks run low. For these purchases, approval must come from the Ministry of Health," Goran Marinović explained to CIN-CG.
"This is a critical moment to implement simple legal solutions that would prevent this practice, curbing unnecessary spending and, ultimately, the enrichment of private individuals. Until this issue is addressed, it doesn't matter who organizes the public procurement process—the outcome of every tender is already predetermined," Marinović stated in a letter to relevant institutions in October last year.
Marinović proposes that the law be amended to allow Montefarm, a state-owned entity, to purchase medicines directly from manufacturers. This way, the state could capture rebates or hidden discounts typically provided to distributors, which often account for around 30 percent of the total turnover. It is estimated that such a reform could save between €28 and €30 million annually on medicines listed for public procurement.
This document highlights that the current Montenegrin pharmaceutical market exhibits characteristics that are uncommon not only in the region but across Europe, stemming from decades of state privatization.
This situation's origins date back to 1991, when the Montenegrin Assembly established the state-owned institution Montefarm, tasked with supplying medicines and medical supplies to the population and health institutions.
1992 Glosarij, Montenegro's first private wholesale drug distributor, was founded in Cetinje. While numerous pharmaceutical companies failed throughout the 1990s, Glosarij thrived and significantly expanded in the new millennium.
The groundwork for the company's monopoly position began in the late 1990s.
"All ministers of health and directors of the Health Fund receive monthly bribes in cash from the pharmaceutical mafia," Nebojša Medojević has repeatedly stated. "This corrupt practice was introduced by Ramo Bralić of the SDP and Aco Đukanović," he added. "For this reason, all assets accumulated by ministers of health and Health Fund directors since 1998, which they cannot justify with their regular income, should be seized!"
The MANS Research Center revealed that in 2013, Glosarij and Farmerga were among the privileged companies that benefited from the Investment and Development Fund (IRF). They received favorable loans and had the Fund purchase their million-dollar claims—€1.8 million each.
As their business expanded, Branimir Martinović established Glosarij CD in 2012.
According to an earlier CIN-CG study, Glosarij received over €90 million from the state for medicines and medical devices between 2012 and 2017. This amount represents nearly half of the total funds available to Montefarm for medicine procurement from the state budget.
Many of these funds went to Glosarij while Budimir Stanišić was director of Montefarm. After stepping down in early 2017, Stanišić bought 50 percent of the shares in Medica, a company with which he had previously entered into procurement contracts on behalf of the state. Goran Martinović, the son of Glosarij's owner, purchased the remaining shares, who left the company in early 2018 and now works there.
The demand for medicines has continued to grow. 2012 Montefarm's budget for medicines was €36.99 million, rising to €49.43 million by 2016. In 2014, Glosarij received €31.6 million of the €42.5 million allocated for medicine procurement by Montefarm. Official data shows that from 2018 to 2022, pharmaceutical spending in Montenegro nearly doubled, from €61.4 million to €119.4 million, representing an average annual growth of 18 percent. During the same period, the number of prescriptions grew by an average of 5 percent annually, from 5 million to 6.2 million.

WHAT RADUNOVIĆ, ČIRGIĆ, HRAPOVIĆ SAID
The issues with medicine procurement tenders were highlighted during the DPS era. In 2012, Miodrag Radunović, then Minister of Health, warned Milorad Katnić, the Minister of Finance, that unless the Law on Public Procurement was urgently amended, Montenegro would face a severe shortage of medicines due to overly complicated and prolonged procedures.
"A tender for insulin procurement was announced, but due to a complaint, the process was delayed by 57 days. I wonder who has the right to jeopardize the lives of 35,000 people with diabetes in Montenegro, simply because bureaucratic procedures—unrelated to life-saving needs—say so," Radunović remarked at the time.
He further emphasized, "Someone sitting in an office, far removed from reality, has equated the procurement of building materials, cement, or bricks with the procurement of medicines."
Concerns about a monopoly in this highly profitable sector resurfaced in 2017, when the Health Fund urged the Ministry of Finance to revise its approach to medicine and medical device procurement. Led by Sead Čirgić, the Health Fund warned that the complex and time-consuming public procurement procedures were fostering monopolies, driving up prices for specific medications, and causing frequent shortages. They also noted that a significant portion of the market was dominated by a single supplier, directly impacting pricing. In some cases, they reported that the price of certain medications had risen by as much as 97 percent in just two years.
At the end of 2018, a scandal broke over the inflated prices of medicines in Montenegro, which were three to five times higher than in Serbia. In response, the Ministry of Health, then headed by Kenan Hrapović, issued a warning to wholesalers and license holders for the sale of medicines. The Ministry stated that if double pricing and unjustifiably high prices continued, they would report the issue to the Ministry of Economy and the Agency for the Protection of Competition. However, no action was taken following this warning. At the time, the Atlas Group alleged that Budimir Šegrt, Hrapović's predecessor and a figure appointed by Milo Đukanović as the director of the Meljine hospital, had been involved in extracting money from the hospital through wholesalers Glosarij and Montefarm.
In a later session of the Montenegrin Assembly, Nebojša Medojević claimed that the authorities had refrained from arresting the owner of Glosarij for illegal activities due to his connections, specifically that he was the godfather of the chief Special Prosecutor, Milivoje Katnić.
MANS (the Network for the Affirmation of the Non-Governmental Sector) revealed in 2021 that in July 2009, Katnić had purchased a 54-square-meter apartment in Podgorica for €67,800. Four months later, he sold the same apartment to Glosarij for €96,000. Katnić justified the €30,000 price increase by claiming he had renovated significantly. MANS alleged that this transaction was a form of corruption through a gift.
When the COVID-19 pandemic began, over €8 million in donations were made to the National Coordinating Body for Infectious Diseases (NKT) in just four months to help combat the virus. Of that amount, €1.7 million was spent, with the most significant portion—€537,837—paid to Glosarij. Public outrage and opposition concerns arose when it was revealed that Hajriz Brcvak, a noted humanitarian, had donated ventilators to the NKT for $4,700 to $5,000 each. At the same time, Glosarij bought similar ventilators and sold them to the state for $19,000 each.

The Final Hours: Health system on the brink of collapse
After the pandemic and the change in Government, the Health Insurance Fund (FZO) warned that the country's health system was on the brink of collapse. It was revealed that the FZO owed approximately €45 million to wholesalers and suppliers of medicines for Montefarm, with nearly 75 percent of that amount—€30 million—owed to a single company, Glosarij, as announced by the then-director of the Fund, Dragoslav Šćekić.
At the end of 2021, Šćekić called on the prosecutor's office to investigate how the health system had been driven into a subordinate and controlled state. He highlighted that Montefarm was unable to import medicines and was instead forced to purchase all its supplies from Glosarij, which had invoiced a staggering €114 million over the previous two years.
In 2022, Šćekić was appointed Minister of Health, but the Europe Now Movement has accused him of numerous failures in the healthcare sector. In September 2022, Montefarm responded to a summons from the PES (Europe Now Movement) and the minister and to accusations from former ministers Milojko Spajić and Jakov Milatović.
"Outstanding debts in 2021 to Glosarij, amounting to €15 million, were transferred to 2022 through factoring, at your insistence, with a firm promise that these funds would be allocated in the 2022 budget. As expected, no action was taken on your promise," Montefarm responded.
At the same time, Nebojša Medojević called on the Chief Special Prosecutor, Vladimir Novović, to investigate a 2021 deal between the then Minister of Finance, Milojko Spajić, and Glosarij, in which the state provided guarantees and paid €17 million through cession.
In March of the previous year, during a government session, the then Minister of Health, Dragoslav Šćekić, emphasized the need to confront the pharmaceutical mafia. At that time, Prime Minister Dritan Abazović suggested that Montefarm should spearhead efforts to establish a pharmaceutical manufacturing facility in Montenegro.
"Montefarm has essentially become the Glovo of medicines in Montenegro—just a distribution center. Instead of focusing on domestic production, Montefarm has been reduced to a logistical hub, where medicines arrive and are then transported to pharmacies. Maybe that was the vision of the previous Government. But I can say with certainty that Montefarm could begin producing medicines, at least those for mass consumption," Abazović asserted.

Plans for a New Medicine Factory Halted
Marinović told CIN-CG they had conducted a preliminary study for the factory project. The study determined that taking on debt was unnecessary, as the construction could be financed using the 6,300 square meters of land owned by Montefarm next to the Atlas Capital Center. The plan projects that the new factory's output could capture around 40 percent of the domestic market share, with the potential for expansion depending on domestic and export market demands.
Marinović further explains that the factory would employ 400 people. In the first year, the projected profit would be €5 million, growing to €25 million by the fifth year. Beyond the market impact, the factory would also address the lack of laboratories in Montenegro and play a critical role in establishing national drug reserves, which the country currently lacks.
In the Development Plan from last year, it was emphasized as a priority that Montenegro should establish at least one factory for essential medicines. One of the key points highlighted was that Montenegro remains the only country in the region without its galenic laboratory (which produces simple drugs in small batches), and there is an urgent need to establish one as soon as possible.
"According to the plan, the new galenic laboratory within Montefarm would produce between 180 and 200 galenic drugs on an area of 700 to 900 square meters, with the required funding for its establishment estimated at €880,000 to €1 million." However, the Ministry of Finance halted the project's implementation last fall.
A year after the public launch of this initiative, the situation remains unchanged. In the last three years and three months of this year, Glosarij secured 226 tenders. In terms of buyers, Montefarm dominates with a 94 percent share, followed by KCCG with 3 percent, and the Institute for Public Health and other buyers, each with 1 percent.

Uncovering the Link: Acting Director of Montefarma and the Glossary Connection
The business continues to grow, with the Martinović family owning one of the largest private pharmacies, Tea Medica. Additionally, Branimir Martinović, the owner of Glosarij, holds a 33 percent stake in the healthcare institution Moj Lab. Moj Lab operates three polyclinics in Podgorica, Ulcinj, and Budva, along with laboratories in 10 other cities across Montenegro. Co-owners of Moj Lab with an equal stake include Dragan Bokan, the owner of Voli, and Milan Mijović, a former director of KCCG and a surgeon.
Vojislav Šimun, the Minister of Health from the PES, recently accused Marinović in the Assembly of allowing certain lobbies to flourish during his tenure, asserting that he is neither part of nor intends to be part of the pharmaceutical lobby.
"One wholesale drugstore accounted for 83.8 percent of the budget in 2021, 106.4 percent the following year, and 90 percent in 2023, while another company held 18 percent, simply because it sold much more expensive drugs," Šimun pointed out.
He also announced that he would refer the matter to the prosecution.
After Marinović's dismissal, Aleksandar Bogavac was appointed acting director of Montefarm. According to his biography, he previously worked as a sales officer and medical representative at the company Farmegra and later as marketing and sales supervisor at the company Alkaloid in Podgorica.
Interestingly, the authorized distributor for the Alkaloid factory in Skopje for Montenegro is Glosarij.

Medicine, Business, and Basketball: Unraveling the Ties That Bind
Vladimir Martinović owns four companies: Glossarij, Glossarij CD, Keywork Estate, and Monte Resort. His primary source of business revenue is Glossarij, which generated 128 million euros in income last year and a profit of 5.6 million euros.
2023 Glossarij CD recorded 14.7 million euros in income, with a net profit of 3.1 million euros.
Keywork Estate, which Martinović wholly owns, reported 411,000 euros in income last year and a profit of 191,964 euros.
Over the past three years, Monte Resort has earned 200,000 euros in income. While the profit was 6,000 euros in 2021, it increased to 94,000 euros in 2022 and 2023.
Through Glossarij, Martinović also owns a 10 percent stake in The Badger MNE. This company has not generated any business income in the past three years and reported a loss of 22,000 euros last year.
Until September 2022, Martinović also owned Gradska kafana in Cetinje, which is now co-owned by Jovan Martinović and Marko Martinović. In 2023, this company achieved 1.3 million euros in revenue and a profit of 77,000 euros.
Previously, Martinović was the co-owner and executive director of Evergreen, a company under blockade since the end of 2005, with a debt of 629 euros. Until mid-2016, he held a 50 percent stake in Terra Properties d.o.o. Belgrade, a company that has been blocked since October 2018, has debts totaling 152,000 euros. Before 2014, Martinović co-owned Monte Vila Kotor, a family business now in liquidation.
He was also an indirect owner of Glossarij M and Glossarij PH, both in liquidation, and co-owned the now-deleted company Sensilab. Until May 2008, Martinović was a co-owner of Baypharm, whose representative was Oleg Obradović, former chairman of the board of First Bank and a key figure in the Telekom affair. Baypharm entered bankruptcy in 2022, with a tax debt of 352,000 euros.
Martinović's sons own Tea Medica, one of Montenegro's largest pharmacies. Last year, the company reported 21 million euros in income and a profit of 972,000 euros.
In the health sector, Martinović, Dragan Bokan, and Milan Mijović co-own Moj Lab, each holding a one-third share. The company's profit dropped from 2.8 million euros in 2021 to 50,000 euros in 2022, and it posted a loss of 462,000 euros last year.
Basketball also connects these three individuals. Milan Mijović is a former doctor for the Budućnost Basketball Club and the Montenegrin national basketball team. Dragan Bokan is the head of the management board of Budućnost Voli, and Martinović is a member of its management board.
It's worth noting that Milo Đukanović, former president of Montenegro, served as the long-term president of the Basketball Association of Montenegro.

Firma Branimira Martinovića izrasla u Đukanovićevo vrijeme u glavnog farmaceutskog distributera u decenijama za nama ostvarila promet od više stotina miliona, ali i dalje drži potpuni monopol i čini bespredmetnim tendere u ovoj oblasti

Predrag NIKOLIĆ

Na osnovnoj, doplatnoj i listi ljekova sa posebnim režimom, koje idu na teret Republičkog fonda za zdravstvo (FZO), nalazi se 906 brendiranih medikamenata. Za 92 odsto ovih ljekova zastupnik ili ovlašćeni distributer je Glosarij, Branimira Martinovića, sa firmama kćerkama Glosarij CD i Medica! Kompanija Farmerga, koja je u vlasništvu njemačke grupacije Fenix, zastupnik je za 7,5 odsto ljekova, dok ostatak od 0,5 odsto otpada na par manjih crnogorskih farmaceutskih kompanija.

“To faktički znači da je za 92 odsto ovih ljekova koji se pojavljuju na tenderima u sistemu javnih nabavki unaprijed poznat dobavljač jer je on ovlašćeni zatupnik i distributer, tj. u ovom slučaju kompanija Glosarij sa firmama kćerkama. Isto se odnosi na kompaniju Farmerga i ostale koji učestvuju u prometu. Ovakvo stanje pokazuje svu besmislenost organizovanja javnih tendera jer je na svakom unaprijed poznat pobjednik”, piše u oktobru prošle godine Goran Marinović, donedavni direktor Montefarma, institucijama i predlaže izmjenu takve prakse u sklopu novog Zakona o zdravstvenoj zaštiti, kojom bi ova državna kompanija ili FZO preuzeli makar dio poslova oko nabavke ljekova.

Umjesto reakcije Vlade i plana za prekid višedecenijskog monopola privatne kompanije na tržištu ljekova koje stalno raste i premašuje 100 miliona eura, uslijedila je Marinovićeva smjena. Ministar zdravlja dr Vojislav Šimun, iz Pokreta Evropa sad (PES), zaprijetio je da će podnijeti krivičnu prijavu protiv Marinovića, zbog navodnih zloupotreba.

Marinović za Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) tvrdi da je njegovo razrješenje politički motivisano. Tokom vladavine Demokratske partije socijalista (DPS) opozicija je optuživala firmu Glosarij za privilegovanu poziciju, tvrdila je i da je ova kompanija jedna od najznačajnijih pokrovitelja stranke Mila Đukanovića.

Nakon smjene vlasti 2020, predsjednik Pokreta za promjene (PZP) Nebojša Medojević tvrdio je da Milojko Spajić dok je bio ministar finansija u 42. Vladi sklopio nelegalan posao sa ovom firmom, a kasnije i da je ona jedan od finansijera izborne kampanje PES-a.

Prije nego što se povukao, na početku izborne trke za predsjednika države, Spajić je u februaru 2023. predizbornu kampanju počeo iz Gradske kafane na Cetinju, koja je u vlasništvu Martinovića.

DOMINACIJA

Glosarij nakon promjene vlasti nije samo zadržao monopol koji je imao za vrijeme DPS-a, već su profiti i skočili, pa je ova firma dvije godine zaredom 2021. i 2022. dobila priznanje za najveću rastuću kompaniju.

Glosarij je u posljednje tri godine imao poslovne prihode veće od trećine milijarde eura, tačnije 340 miliona (2021 - 99.895.446, 2022 - 112.776.871, 2021 - 128.268.040), sa neto dobiti koja je svake godine iznosila preko pet miliona eura - za tri posljednje godine preko 16 miliona eura.

CIN-CG je došao do dokumentacije koja govori o sistemski ozakonjenom monopolu.

Budžet Montefarma za nabavku ljekova u prošloj godini bio je 99,1 milion eura. Udio Glosarija u tom budžetu je bio 83,15 odsto. Nakon rebalansa budžet je povećan na 115,4 miliona eura, a Glosariju je ukupno otišlo 71,38 odsto novca. Ukupno 82,4 miliona eura. Većinski udio ova je kompanija imala i u prethodne dvije godine.

“Pretpostavlja se da učesnik na tržištu ima dominantan položaj na tržištu proizvoda (roba ili usluga) ako je njegov udio na relevantnom tržištu veći od 50 odsto”, navodi se u članu 14 Zakona o zaštiti konkurencije.

Dalje se navodi da se “pretpostavlja da dva ili više učesnika na tržištu imaju dominantan položaj na tržištu roba i usluga ako između njih ne postoji značajna konkurencija i ako je njihov ukupni udio na relevantnom tržištu veći od 60 odsto (kolektivna dominacija)”.

Prema praksi i propisima Evropske unije ovakvi monopoli, posebno u osjetljivoj oblasti nabavke ljekova, veoma su opasni i nezamislivi, jer su prijetnja javnim finansijama i zdravstvenom sistemu. Međutim, crnogorske vlasti, pa ni Agencija za zaštitu konkurencije, nijesu imali adekvatnu reakciju na ovaj problem. Prema informacijama CIN-CG, strani stručnjaci, predstavnici Svjetske banke i drugih relevantnih institucija, upozoravali su na ovaj monopol i opasnosti koje on nosi kako zbog moguće korupcije, tako i zbog nepostojanja prave konkurencije.

Ali, iako je Glosariju i samodozvoljena apsolutna dominacija i monopol na tržištu ljekova, to nije bilo dovoljno, pa sa dvije povezane firme, Glosarij CD i Medica, ostvaruje, kako Zakon kaže, i kolektivnu dominaciju. Glosarij CD je tokom prošle godine iz budžeta za nabavku ljekova prihodovao 13,6 miliona eura, a Medica 6,4 miliona, zajedno sa Glosarijem ukupno 102,5 miliona. Ukupno u ove tri firme prošle godine je otišlo 88,8 odsto budžeta. Pretprošle godine 76,68 odsto, a 2021. 76,30 odsto ukupnog budžeta za ljekove.

Firma Farmerga prošle godine je učestvovala sa 17,29 odsto u novcu iz budžeta, sa 19,9 miliona eura, 2022. 17,17 odsto - 13,1 milion eura, 2021. sa 14,6 miliona, procenat učešća u ukupnom budžetu je bio 18,67 odsto.

Svekupuno, privatne kompanije su tokom prošle godine povukle 106 odsto novca iz opšteg budžeta za nabavku ljekova. Statistika je prebacila 100 odsto, zbog rebalansa budžeta.

MONTEFARM NE UVOZI, OSIM KAD JE HITNO

Državne firme Montefarm u ovim milionskim transakcijama nema.

”Montefarm nije uvezao nijedan lijek posljednjih sedam, osam godina. Sem veoma rijetko preko hitnih nabavki, kada ljekovi nedostaju, i za to odobrenje da Ministarstvo zdravlja”, kaže za CIN-CG Goran Marinović.

“Ovo je ključni momenat da se sa zakonskim rješenjima koja su vrlo jednostavna sa ovakvom praksom raskrsti, spriječi bespotrebno rasipanje sredstava i, u krajnjem, pune privatni džepovi pojedinaca. Dok se ovo ne riješi, potpuno je nebitno ko će organizovati proces javnih nabavki jer je pobjednik svih tendera unaprijed poznat”, navodi Marinović u pismu institucijama koji je uputio u oktobru prošle godine.

Marinović predlaže da se promjenom zakona omogući Montefarmu kao državnoj kompaniji da direktno nabavlja ljekove od proizvođača. U tom slučaju, država bi mogla za sebe da uzme sve rabate ili skrivene rabate koje proizvođači daju distributerima, što predstavlja u prosjeku 30 odsto prometa. Precizira da bi na taj način ušteda u nabavci ljekova koji se nalaze na listama bila između 28 i 30 miliona eura godišnje.

U ovom dokumentu navodi se da sadašnje crnogorsko farmaceutsko tržište karakterišu osobine koje nijesu poznate ni u regionu, niti u Evropi, te da su one produkt decenijske privatizacije države.

Sve je počelo prije tri decenije kada je 1991. Skupština osnovala državnu ustanovu Montefarm, sa ciljem da vrši snabdijevanje stanovništva i zdravstvenih ustanova ljekovima i ostalim sredstvima za liječenje.

Godinu kasnije, na Cetinju se osniva prva privatna veledrogerija u Crnoj Gori - Glosarij. Desetine firmi za trgovinu ljekovima tokom devedesetih su propale, ali ne i Glosarij, on je u novom milenijumu sve bolje poslovao.

Počeci stvaranja monopolske pozicije datiraju s kraja devedesetih.

“Svi ministri zdravstva i direktori Fonda zdravstva primaju mjesečno korupcionašku nadoknadu u kešu od farmaceutske mafije. Tu praksu je uveo Ramo Bralić iz SDP-a sa Acom Đukanovićem”, saopštio je više puta Medojević: “Zato treba svu imovinu ministara zdravstva i Fonda od 1998. koju ne mogu da opravdaju svojim regularnim prihodima konfiskovati!”.

Istraživački centar MANS objavio je da su Glosarij i Farmegra bile među privilegovanim firmama kojima je 2013. godine Investiciono razvojni fond (IRF) pomagao kroz dodjelu povoljnih kredita, ali i kroz otkup njihovih milionskih potraživanja, svakoj po 1,8 miliona eura.

Posao se širio, pa je Martinović 2012. osnovao i firmu Glosarij CD.

U ranijem istraživanju CIN-CG je prezentovano da je Glosarij od 2012. do 2017. za ljekove i medicinska sredstva od države dobio preko 90 miliona eura. To je gotovo polovina sredstava kojima je Monterfam raspolagao za nabavku ljekova iz državnog budžeta.

Znatan dio ove cifre dobio je Glosarij, dok je na čelu Montefarma bio Budimir Stanišić. Nakon što je završio sa direktorskim mandatom, početkom 2017. bivši direktor Montefarma Stanišić kupuje polovinu akcija u firmi Medica, sa kojom je ranije u ime države sklapao ugovore za nabavku ljekova. Drugu polovinu kupuje sin vlasnika Glosarija Goran Martinović, koji napušta ovu kompaniju početkom 2018. i danas radi u Glosariju.

Potreba za ljekovima stalno raste, o tome svjedoči i budžet Montefarma koji je 2012. bio 36,99 miliona, da bi 2016. porastao na 49,43 miliona. Glosarij je 2014. za ljekove dobio 31,6 miliona iz Montefarmovog budžeta, koji je iznosio 42,5 miliona. Zvanični podaci govore da se od 2018. do 2022. farmaceutska potrošnja u Crnoj Gori gotovo udvostručila - sa 61,4 miliona na 119,4 miliona eura. To je rast od u prosjeku 18 odsto godišnje, dok je broj propisanih recepata rastao u prosjeku za pet odsto godišnje - sa pet na 6,2 miliona.

ŠTA SU PRIČALI RADUNOVIĆ, ČIRGIĆ, HRAPOVIĆ

Problemi u tenderima za nabavku ljekova potencirani su i za vrijeme DPS vladavine. Tako je 2012, tadašnji ministar zdravlja Miodrag Radunović poručio tadašnjem ministru finansija Miloradu Katniću da će, ukoliko Zakon o javnim nabavkama ne bude hitno izmijenjen, zbog komplikovanih i dugih procedura crnogorsko tržište da zahvati nestašica ljekova većih razmjera.

“Raspisan je tender za nabavku insulina, ali je zbog žalbe za 57 dana odložena nabavka ovog lijeka koji ‘čuva’ zdravlje dijabetičarima. Pitam se ko ima pravo da ugrozi živote 35.000 dijabetičara u Crnoj Gori i to samo zato jer tako kažu procedure koje nemaju veze sa životom”, kazao je tada Radunović.

On je tada naglasio da je “neko ko sjedi u nekim kancelarijama koje su daleko od života, stavio u istu ravan nabavku građevinskog materijala, cementa ili opeke sa nabavkom ljekova”.

Tvrdnje o monopolu u ovom visokoprofitabilnom biznisu mogle su se čuti i 2017. Fond za zdravstvo je od Ministarstva finansija tražio promjenu načina nabavki ljekova i medicinskih sredstava. Ta institucija, na čijem je čelu bio Sead Čirgić, upozorila je Ministarstvo da su složeni i dugi postupci javnih nabavki u zdravstvu doveli do postojanja monopola, značajnog poskupljenja pojedinih ljekova, kao i čestih nestašica. Istakli su i da se veliki broj ljekova nudi od jednog ponuđača, čime se neposredno utiče na cijenu. Naveli su i primjere pojedinih ljekova čija je cijena za dvije godine povećana i do 97 odsto.

Kada je krajem 2018. izbila afera o visokim cijenama ljekova koje su od tri do pet puta skuplji nego u Srbiji, reagovalo je i Ministarstvo zdravlja, na čijem je čelu tada bio Kenan Hrapović. Iz Ministarstva zdravlja su upozorili veledrogerije i nosioce dozvola za promet ljekova u Crnoj Gori da će u slučaju nastavka postojanja dvostrukih cijena, kao i neprimjereno visokih cijena medikamenata biti prinuđeno da o istom obavijesti nadležne organe za zaštitu konkurencije - Ministarstvo ekonomije i Agenciju za zaštitu konkurencije. Od prijave nije bilo ništa, a u to vrijeme iz Atlas grupe su tvrdili da je Hrapovićev prethodnik Budimir Šegrt, koga je Milo Đukanović nametnuo kao direktora bolnice u Meljinama, preko veledrogerije Glosarij i Montefarma zaduživao tu bolnicu i izvlačio pare.

Prije par godina Medojević je u Skupštini izjavio da nadležni ne hapse vlasnika Glosarija zbog nezakonitih radnji jer je kum glavnog specijalnog tužioca Milivoja Katnića.

Mreža za afirmaciju nevladinog sektora (MANS) je krajem 2021. otkrila da je Katnić u julu 2009. za 67.800 eura kupio stan od 54 metra kvadratna u podgoričkoj Ulici Vasa Raičkovića. Svega četiri mjeseca nakon toga, Katnić je taj stan prodao kompaniji Glosarij za 96.000 eura. Katnić je povećanje vrijednosti stana od blizu 30 hiljada eura, koja se desila u svega nekoliko mjeseci, pravdao ulaganjima u rekonstrukciju. MANS je tvrdio da je riječ o korupciji kroz poklon.

Kada je počela pandemija, za četiri mjeseca Nacionalnom koordinacionom tijelu za zarazne bolesti (NKT) uplaćeno je preko osam miliona eura donacija za borbu protiv korona virusa. NKT je od doniranog novca potrošio 1,7 miliona. Najviše novca iz ovog fonda uplaćeno je firmi Glosarij - 537.837 eura. Opozicija i javnost su se pitali kako to da je humanista Hajriz Brčvak poklonio respiratore koji su prema fakturama, koje je objavio javnosti, koštali 4.700 i 5.000 dolara, dok je Glosarij respiratore kupovao i državi prodavao za 19.000 eura.

FOND PRED KOLAPSOM, POZIVI NOVOVIĆU I IDEJA ABAZOVIĆA

Nakon pandemije i promjene vlasti iz Fond za zdravstveno osiguranje su obavijestili da je zdravstveni sistem pred kolapsom. Ispostavilo se da FZO duguje oko 45 miliona veledrogerijama i dobavljačima koji isporučuju ljekove Montefarmu, od čega čak 75 odsto ili skoro 30 miliona samo jednom privrednom subjektu - Glosariju, saopštio je tadašnji direktor Fonda Dragoslav Šćekić. Krajem 2021. Šćekić je pozvao tužilaštvo da ispita ko je i kako doveo zdravstveni sistem u podređen i kontrolisan položaj. Ukazao je da Montefarm ne može vršiti uvoz, već sve ljekove mora da kupuje od veledrogerije Glosarij, koja je po tom osnovu fakturisala 114 miliona eura u prethodne dvije godine.

Šćekić 2022. postaje ministar zdravlja, a Pokret Evropa sad ga optužuje za brojne propuste u zdravstvu. Iz Montefarma u septembru 2022. odgovaraju na prozivke PES-a koje su upućene njima i ministru, uz optužbe bivših ministara Spajića i Jakova Milatovića.

“Nedospjeli dugovi u 2021. godini, a koji su dospijevali krajem te godine prema dobavljaču Glosarij u iznosu od 15 miliona eura, na vaše insistiranje jednostavno su putem faktoringa prenešeni u 2022. godinu uz čvrsto obećanje da će ta sredstva biti planirana budžetom za 2022. godinu. Naravno, ništa od vašeg obećanja’’, naveli su iz Montefarma.

U isto vrijeme, Medojević je pozvao glavnog specijalnog tužioca Vladimira Novovića da ispita posao iz 2021. između tadašnjeg ministra finansija Spajića i firme Glosarij, u kome je država dala garancije i preko cesije platila 17 miliona.

U martu prošle godine na sjednici Vlade tadašnji ministar zdravlja Dragoslav Šćekić kazao je da je potrebno stati na put farmaceutskoj mafiji. Tada je premijer Dritan Abazović izjavio da bi Montefarm trebalo da pokrene ideju početka pravljenja fabrike koja bi proizvodila ljekove u Crnoj Gori.

“Montefarm je ciljano u Crnoj Gori postao Glovo za ljekove. On je samo jedan distributivni centar. Umjesto da proizvodi ljekove, Montefarm je sveo sve da bude mjesto gdje razni ljekovi dolaze i onda se transportnim vozilima voze prema apotekama. Možda je to bila vizija prošle vlasti. Odgovorno tvrdim da Montefarm može da počne da radi proizvodnju ljekova, makar onih široke potrošnje”, istakao je Abazović.

ZAUSTAVLJENI PLANOVI ZA FABRIKU LJEKOVA

Marinović za CIN-CG kaže da su napravili predelaborat za fabriku. Po elaboratu nijesu trebali da se zadužuju jer su mogli da gradnju finansiraju placem od 6.300 kvadrata koji Montefarm ima pored Atlas kapital centra. Prema planu, procjenjuje se da bi ljekovi proizvedeni u novoj fabrici zauzeli oko 40 odsto tržišnog udjela, s mogućnošću povećanjau zavisnosti od zahtjeva domaćeg i izvoznog tržišta. Marinović navodi da je planirano 400 zaposlenih, te da bi u prvoj godinu profit bio pet miliona, a u petoj 25 miliona. Pored tržišnog efekta, u sklopu fabrike otvorile bi se i nedostajuće laboratorije, a fabrika bi imala veliki značaj za stvaranje rezervi ljekova koje Crna Gora sada nema.

U Planu razvoja iz okobra prošle godine navodi se da je prioritet da Crna Gora napravi bar jednu fabriku esencijalnih ljekova. Kao jedna od bitnih stavki navodi se i da je Crna Gora jedina u okruženju koja nema svoju galensku laboratoriju (proizvodnja jednostavnih ljekova malih serija) i prijeko je potrebno da se što prije formira.

“Prema planu nova galenska laboratorija u okviru Montefarma proizvodila bi od 180 do 200 galenskih ljekova - preparata na površini od oko 700-900 kvadrata i sredstva potrebna za njeno formiranje iznosila bi između 880 hiljada i milion eura”. Realizacija je stala prošle jeseni u Ministarstvu finansija.

Godinu dana od javnog iniciranja ovog projekta sve je po starom. Glosarij je za posljednje tri godine i tri mjeseca ove dobio 226 tendera. U strukturi kupaca dominira Montefarm sa 94 odsto, slijedi KCCG sa tri odsto, Institut za javno zdravlje i ostali sa po jedan odsto.

VEZA V.D. DIREKTORA MONTEFARMA I GLOSARIJA

Posao se širi, pa Martinovići imaju i jednu od najvećih privatnih apoteka Tea Medica, a vlasnik Glosarija Martinović ima 33 odsto udjela u zdravstvenoj ustanovi Moj lab, koja ima tri poliklinike u Podgorici, Ulcinju i Budvi, i laboratorije u 10 crnogorskih gradova. Suvlasnici sa istim udjelom u Moj labu su Dragan Bokan, vlasnik Volija, i nekadašnji direktor KCCG, hirurg Milan Mijović.

Ministar zdravlja Vojislav Šimun iz PES-a optužio je nedavno u Skupštini Marinovića da su u vrijeme njegovog mandata rasli neki lobiji, uz tvrdnju da on sam niti je dio, niti planira da bude dio farmaceutskog lobija.

“Jedna veledrogerija imala je 2021. godine udio u budžetu od 83,8 odsto, naredne godine 106,4 odsto, a 2023. imala je 90 odsto, a druga kompanija 18 iz prostog razloga što je prodavala jedan mnogo skuplji lijek”, istakao je Šimun.

Najavio je i da će sve predati tužilaštvu.

Nakon Marinovićeve smjene, za v.d. direktora Montefarma imenovan je Aleksandar Bogavac. U njegovoj biografiji piše da je radio kao referent prodaje i medicinski predstavnik ​​​u firmi Farmegra, te da je obavljao funkciju ​supervizora marketinga i prodaje ​​​u firmi Alkaloid u Podgorici.

Inače, autorizovani distributer skopske fabrike Alkaloid za Crnu Goru je Glosarij.

Ljekovi, biznis i košarka

Vladimir Martinović je vlasnik četiri firme - Glosarij, Glosarij CD, Keywork Estate i Monte resort. On najveći poslovni prihod ostvaruje preko Glosarija - tokom prošle godine 128 miliona eura, a dobit je bila 5,6 miliona.

Prihod preko Glosarij CD 2023. je bio 14,7 miliona, a neto rezultat 3,1 milion.

Keywork Estate, u kojoj je Martinović takođe stoprocentni vlasnik, imala je u prošloj godini prihod od 411 hiljadu, a dobit od 191.964 eura.

Monte resort u posljednje tri godine imao je prihod od 200 hiljada, s tim da je dobit sa 6.000 iz 2021, pretprošle i prošle godine bila 94.000.

Preko firme Glosarij, Martinović je vlasnik 10 odsto The Badger MNE, a firma posljednje tri godine nije imala poslovnih prihoda, prošle je bila u gubitku od 22 hiljade eura.

Do septembra 2022, Martinović je bio vlasnik i Gradske Cetinje, sada su vlasnici Jovan Martinović i Marko Martinović. Poslovni prihod od 1,3 miliona ostvarila je tokom 2023, uz dobit od 77 hiljada eura.

Martinović je bio suvlasnik i izvršni direktor firme Evergreen koja je od kraja 2005. u blokadi. Iznos blokade 629 eura. Do sredine 2016. Martinović je bio vlasnik 50 odsto udjela u firmi Terra Properties d.o.o. Beograd, koja je u blokadi od oktobra 2018, sa dugom od 152 hiljade eura. Do 2014. bio je suvlasnik u porodičnom preduzeću Monte vila Kotor koje je u likvidaciji.

U Glosariju M i Glosariju PH, koji su takođe u likvidaciji, Martinović je bio indirektni vlasnik. Suvlasnik je bio i u obrisanom preduzeću Sensilab.

Do maja 2008. bio je suvlasnik Baypharm, čiji je zastupnik do 2013. bio Oleg Obradović, nekadašnji predsjednik Odbora Prve banke braće Đukanović i jedan od glavnih aktera afere Telekom. U ovom preduzeću stečajni postupak je uveden krajem 2022. Poreski dug iznosi 352 hiljade eura.

Martinovićevi sinovi vlasnici su jedne od najvećih apoteka u Crnoj Gori Tea Medica, koja je prošle godine imala poslovni prihod od 21 milion eura, i dobit od 972 hiljade.

Sa po trećinu udjela Martinović, Dragan Bokan i Milan Mijović vlasnici su zdravstvene ustanove Moj lab. Profit u ovoj firmi je sa 2,8 miliona 2021, u 2022. pao na 50 hiljada, da bi u prošloj godini bio u minusu od 462 hiljade.

Pored zdravstva, navedenu trojicu povezuje i košarka. Mijović je bivši ljekar Košarkaškog kluba Budućnost i košarkaške reprezentacije Crne Gore. Bokan je na čelu uprave, a Martinović član Uprave Budućnost Volija.

Da podsjetimo da je dugogodišnji predsjednik Košarkaškog saveza bio Milo Đukanović.

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The Environmental Protection Agency approved the Environmental Impact Assessment Report for Tehnoput, which relies on data up to seven years old. Meanwhile, companies actively damaging the Cijevna and Morača rivers continue operations without valid water permits

Predrag NIKOLIĆ/Andrea PERIŠIĆ

The residents of Donja Cijevna and Mahala are exposed to constant noise and air pollution caused by asphalt, sand particles, and various harmful substances. Some live fifty meters away from as many as three asphalt production plants.

All of this is happening on the banks of the Cijevna River, which is primarily protected by law and designated a natural monument. Along with the Morača River, it feeds the endangered Bolje Sestre water source, listed by UNESCO as one of the world's 150 most essential karst springs. Directly across from the asphalt plants, on the opposite riverbank, lie extensive Plantaže vineyards and fields of medicinal herbs and sandy everlasting, all of which are also at risk from harmful airborne particles.

Along the riverbank, several companies operate bases equipped with complete machinery, crushers, and rolling stock, including Putevi, Bemax, Genex, and Tehnoput. The latter recently obtained approval from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) for its Environmental Impact Assessment and work permit. According to research by the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG), however, the assessment relies on data up to seven years old, much of which is irrelevant to the specific location.

In response to CIN-CG, the EPA emphasized that its approval of the Environmental Impact Assessment is just one of many documents Tehnoput requires to carry out its operations. They also noted that if the approval had been denied, the Agency could have faced a lawsuit and potential compensation claims from the company. "We could find no legal grounds to withhold consent for the assessment," the Agency stated.

Saša Aćimić's Tehnoput company has operated concrete production and gravel extraction activities on state-owned land. Since 2012, it has failed to obtain a building permit for its facilities. In January 2023, the construction inspection and the police sealed Tehnoput's asphalt base on the Cijevna River. However, the seal was quickly removed, and illegal activities resumed. The prosecution intervened, leading to Aćimić's arrest, but he was soon released to face the charges in court.

When the Montenegro Petrol plant was demolished in February 2023, residents and the public hoped it marked the end of gravel theft and restoring order to the area. However, the recent issuance of environmental approval for Tehnoput suggests that the situation is not moving in that direction.

Saša Bošković, a resident of Donja Cijevna, told CIN-CG, "We thought the issue was resolved, but it was all a farce. The bases never stopped operating, from six in the morning until four in the afternoon. The Putevi base was a primitive operation, but a new one was installed a year and a half ago and began functioning without a water permit or proper authorization. Gravel theft continues, and now it's carried out by those with political backing or strong family connections..."

The dramatic decline in the yield of the Bolje Sestre spring most clearly illustrates the devastating impact of illegal gravel extraction. In 2010, when it was selected as the primary source for supplying the Montenegrin coast, its output was 2,600 liters per second. By 2020, however, this had plummeted to nearly eight times less, just 334 liters per second. In 2021 and 2022, the yield further decreased to 265 liters per second. However, following some state interventions, the yield saw a notable recovery in 2023, rising to 677 liters per second, an increase of two and a half times.

The Regional Waterworks—Montenegrin Coast (Vodovod) explained to CIN-CG that efforts to halt the illegal extraction of gravel and sand until early 2023 had not produced the desired results, with the yield continuously decreasing. They reported that the Morača riverbed in the II sanitary protection zone had been lowered below the permitted 10 meters above sea level, with some areas dropping even below three meters.

Despite this, the Waterworks remain hopeful that the additional water supply contracted from the Bolje Sestre spring will meet the demands for the upcoming summer tourist season. "The construction of the sand foundation is expected to increase the spring's yield by an additional 50 to 70 liters per second. Moreover, the ongoing construction of a water purification filter plant aims to provide an extra 100 liters per second," the Waterworks Agency stated.

Not a Single Company Holds Water Permits

All residents interviewed by CIN-CG claim that none of the companies managing the asphalt plants have received water permits from the Water Administration, which confirmed this.

"We have not issued water permits for the asphalt plants on Cijevna. Under the Water Law, investors are not required to obtain a water permit before receiving the Environmental Impact Assessment approval. However, the law is clear: a use permit cannot be granted for any facility or structure without a prior water permit," the Administration stated.

The Agency emphasizes that this issue has been blown out of proportion, as the companies cannot legally operate without a water permit. Despite this, all these companies continue to operate smoothly, even though they lack the necessary water licenses.

According to the Water Law, an asphalt plant is considered a facility that could significantly impact water pollution and must meet strict criteria to obtain a water permit. These criteria include methods of operation, remediation measures, assessments of impacts on aquatic life and surrounding springs, records of extracted materials, and many other conditions.

This raises the question of how these companies can continue operating without impediment and receive approval from state institutions, even though in February 2023, the Government of Montenegro adopted a decision to urgently implement land remediation measures in the Bolje Sestre water source catchment area, along the Morača and Cijevna rivers, due to an ecological disaster. The Government also tasked the Ministry of Ecology, Spatial Planning, and Urbanism (MPPUDI) and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) with removing and demolishing buildings in this area.

CIN-CG sent inquiries to the Ministry of Spatial Planning, Urbanism, and State Property (MPPUDI) asking how many facilities for the exploitation of gravel currently operate in the Morača and Cijevna areas, whether they are active, and why the facility operated by Montenegro Petrol has not been removed. Despite a lengthy wait, no answers were provided when this report was published.

Aleksandar Perović, the director of the NGO Ozon, points out to CIN-CG that the real issue lies in systemic dysfunction. "If, for example, one permit is missing—either a water permit or an environmental permit—this signals a lack of intersectoral cooperation and raises concerns about potential corruption and incompetence. It is inconceivable that institutions responsible for environmental and water protection cannot agree," he believes.

The EPA has stated that it will work to address this non-cooperation. CIN-CG has learned that, by the end of the month, at the Agency's initiative, a meeting will be held with representatives from the Water Administration, the Regional Water Supply (Montenegrin Coast), and the Municipality of Zeta. The goal of the meeting is for these institutions to come together to find a solution to the issue of asphalt plants.

Currently, the spatial plans in force classify the area where these plants are located as an industrial zone. If someone were to propose a nuclear power plant there, it would even be possible. Therefore, according to the Environmental Protection Agency, the only viable solution is to impose a moratorium on construction until new spatial plans are adopted that would redefine the purpose of the land.

Everything problematic is concentrated in the Zeta area. We face serious environmental issues—KAP, red mud, gravel extraction, asphalt plants, and sewage collectors. The current spatial plans even allow for the establishment of smelters, ironworks, refineries, and the storage of flammable waste. I'm concerned that a complex and troubling situation lies ahead. The spatial plan needs to be revised to reflect the local community's needs better," Tatjana Torbica, a resident near the asphalt plants, said in an interview with CIN-CG.

Tehnoput Report Based on Irrelevant Data

Several noteworthy points emerge in the recently approved Elaboration of the Tehnoput, which the EPA approved at the end of last month.

The section discussing the current air quality state explicitly states that measurements were not taken at the project site. The report notes, "Air quality measurements at the project location were not conducted, as the site is situated near KAP." Instead, the earlier results of these measurements, as far back as 2017, are listed.

Similarly, soil quality data were not collected at the project location. Instead, the data dates back to March 2019 and pertains to a nearby site.

More recent data on environmental quality comes from the Morača River, specifically for the monitoring profile located downstream of the Cijevna River mouth. These measurements were sourced from the Ecological Yearbook III-21 of the Institute for Hydrometeorology and Seismology of Montenegro for 2021.

It is striking that the EPA approved the study in which, under the section titled "Population," the following statement appears: "In the vicinity of the site, specifically in the southwestern and southern parts, there are the settlements of Cijevna (61 inhabitants), Srpska (868 inhabitants), Balijače-Mahala (1,354 inhabitants), and Mitrovići (299 inhabitants)." Despite this, the study concludes that there will be no impact on the local population, stating: "There are no residential buildings in the immediate vicinity, and its exploitation will not have an impact on the local population... Normal operation of the asphalt base will not negatively affect people's health."

In response, the residents of Donje Cijevna and Mahala have filed a complaint against the Tehnoput Elaboration recently submitted to the EPA, to which CIN-CG had access. The locals argue that this statement is so inaccurate that it raises questions about whether the authors even understand the planned work's location and nature. As the complaint states, "The report contains a list of measures that can be taken to protect soil, water, air..., however,...nowhere is it precisely stated which of these measures the investor will undertake in his work and in what way."

Furthermore, Ozon emphasizes that environmental compliance requires consistent air, soil, and water quality monitoring, with regular reports submitted to the relevant authorities. Perović notes, "Practice shows that this is not being done."

Unseen Consequences: The Overlooked Health Impact of Dense Asphalt Plants Amidst Agricultural Lands

Donja Cijevna and Mahala residents are increasingly alarmed that no comprehensive analysis has ever been conducted to assess the impact of multiple asphalt plants concentrated in such a small area on human health.

Notably, in 2022, the Protector of Property and Legal Interests of Montenegro addressed a letter to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), urging the Agency to evaluate the cumulative environmental impact of all three asphalt plants—something residents have been demanding for years, but without success.

The EPA, led by Milan Gazdić, replied to the Protector that the Law on Liability for Environmental Damage does not recognize claims that companies managing asphalt bases have polluted the environment. Instead of conducting new assessments, the Agency referred to existing findings from the Environmental Inspection and the Center for Ecotoxicological Testing (CETI), citing previously approved Environmental Impact Assessment studies for the facilities.

Despite this, residents have persistently submitted evidence indicating that the asphalt plants do not comply with environmental standards. "We face constant air and water pollution, unbearable noise, and serious health risks due to the plants operating without regulated working hours," Torbica warned.

She also highlighted the ongoing environmental degradation of the surrounding land and the direct discharge of wastewater into the Cijevna River. "On top of that, large mounds of waste material are scattered across the area, and when the wind picks up, it blows that dust right into our homes," she added.

Residents have repeatedly pointed out inaccuracies in the Environmental Impact Assessment. One of their letters to municipal authorities, seen by CIN-CG, challenges claims that there is no agricultural land near the asphalt plants. "On the eastern side, there are vineyards owned by Plantaže, and the potential harm to these crops has never been investigated. On the other side of the riverbank, near the railway, there is a privately-owned wheat farm, along with extensive fields of aromatic plants," the letter notes.

CIN-CG verified these claims through on-site visits and also contacted Plantaže.

The company stated: "Although no negative impact has been officially recorded in the micro-locations nearest the asphalt plants, we continue to monitor the situation closely as part of our regular field activities."

Residents had hoped all the plants would be shut down. "Two are already in operation, and now a third one, which has been here for 10 years without permits, approvals, or environmental studies, is about to start. We raised these issues with the previous Government, and now with the new one, but no one has responded," Bošković said.

Locals Lose Trust in Environmental Agency

Torbica points out that they have not received any response from the institutions about the damage so far. She is particularly disappointed in the work of the Environmental Protection Agency. "We addressed them; we even had a verbal promise from Milan Gazdić. He said that he would provide us with an assessment of the damage caused by the operation of the asphalt bases a couple of years ago, and we never received an answer," she says.

After obtaining approval for the construction of another base at Cijevna, the EPA, the Regional Waterworks - Montenegrin Coast, and the Water Administration followed a fight over who was to blame for the permit being issued in the first place.

In September of last year, the Regional Waterworks decisively announced that it was impossible to issue a consent to the Tehnoput Elaboration due to the protection of the Bolje Sestre water source. The EPA states that the Water Administration noted in its statement that the plot of the asphalt base is not located in the sanitary protection zone of the water source and that the base is about six kilometers away from it as the crow flies. The Water Administration states that the plot where the base is located is not covered by the second sanitary protection zone, nor by this source's proposed third protection zone.

Interestingly, however, this Administration has not determined the boundaries of this area's wider protection zone since 2008.

Torbica thinks the regional water supply had to hire an accredited institution that would make a realistic assessment of the wider sanitary protection zones. "Someone, by accident, left this area out of the wider zone of sanitary protection, from the third zone," she says.

The Regional Water Supply previously explained why asphalt bases cannot be in sanitary protection zones. "Considering that the operation of the base causes the release of chemicals into the air during production, including many toxic air pollutants such as arsenic, benzene, formaldehyde, cadmium, phenol and hexane, it is unacceptable and unfair to pollute the Morača River in this way and thus endanger the Bolje Sestre water source"

Gazdić has stated on several occasions that investors are obliged to observe measures to prevent or eliminate harmful effects.

"We cannot rely on the fact that the protection measures proposed in the studies will be taken, because this has not been the case until now either." Bemax, for example, discharges wastewater that is the product of washing their machines directly into Cijevna. If we know that the worst chemicals are used for this, and that it all goes into our rivers and Lake Skadar, what are we talking about then?" Bošković asks.

It is no wonder that the citizens do not trust that they will work according to the law. The Agency itself announced in November 2023 that the companies Montenegro petrol, Bemax, Cijevna Komerc, and Beton Montenegro did not comply with the legal obligation and did not submit the approval of a proposal for remedial measures due to the damage done in the bed of the Morača river.

By the way, the Law on Liability for Environmental Damage foresees a misdemeanor fine of two to forty thousand euros for a legal entity that does not prepare and submit a proposal for remedial measures within the time limit set by the decision.

CIN-CG previously wrote that out of 25 criminal proceedings initiated due to the illegal exploitation of gravel in the last five years, only five were completed. Two were rejected, and in three, the perpetrators received symbolic punishments—two fines of 1,700 euros and 800 euros, and one suspended sentence.

Montenegro petrol, on the other hand, has been stealing gravel on state land for decades. It has initiated proceedings against the state before the Commercial Court and is seeking compensation of four million euros!

Bošković points out that their struggle and ignoring the institutions has been going on for 10 years and announces that they will go on protesting if they do not receive an answer.

Asphalt Bases in the Region Are Located at a Distance from Populated Areas

Many asphalt plants in Montenegro are located far from densely populated areas. Examples include Teko Mining Vinča in Grocka, SremPut in Ruma, HidroKop in Banja Luka, Bjelovar Road, Zagreb Road, and Novi Pazar Road.

In certain countries, ecological asphalt associations prioritize the sustainable use of recycled asphalt, commonly referred to as "green asphalt." This includes the production of low-temperature asphalt, which emits fewer harmful substances.

The European Commission (EC) has warned for years that the asphalt industry is one of the most significant energy and raw materials consumers, contributing significantly to greenhouse gas emissions. Their proposed solution is the development of new technologies that integrate waste and recycled materials into the asphalt production process. This would enhance sustainability, reduce the carbon footprint, and minimize environmental impact. One such project, supported by the EC in Spain in 2014, presented the concept of eco-asphalt, which combines green binders, recycled aggregates from construction waste, and regenerated asphalt.

Although these eco-friendly practices have been implemented in Europe for years, they remain distant from Montenegro. Despite being intended as temporary, asphalt plants often stay in one location for decades. Donje Cijevna and Mahala residents express their frustration, stating they have no other place to call home. "Asphalt plants are mobile and can be relocated to more suitable areas, considering their destructive environmental impact," they say. With bitterness, they recall how, when they sought assistance from authorities, they were told that a similar plant was in the center of Berlin.

Many Companies Operate Illegally, Yet Police Fail to Respond

The Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG) gained access to a report titled "Information on the Status of Inspection Procedures for Engineering Facilities – Asphalt Bases, Concrete Bases, and Crushing Plants," prepared by the Directorate for Inspection Supervision of the Ministry of Ecology, Spatial Planning, and Urbanism at the end of January 2023.

This document outlines the results of inspections, decisions to rectify violations, demolitions, prohibitions, and requests to initiate misdemeanor proceedings against companies responsible for environmental damage in the Cijevna and Morača regions.

Regarding the Tehnoput facility in Cijevna, the Ministry decided in 2023 to halt construction, and the site was sealed. Despite 14 inspections and four decisions to rectify violations, the company continued its operations. Recently, the Urban and Construction Inspection issued another decision prohibiting construction, but it remains uncertain whether this will stop their activities, as previous decisions have had no effect.

Three demolition orders were issued for Bemax's asphalt base due to construction contrary to approved plans, and the legalization process was halted. Despite 13 inspections and the issuance of decisions to correct violations, Bemax continues to operate at the site.

Cijevna Komerc received a demolition order for two concrete bases built without proper permits, and inspections found violations related to selling unapproved concrete. In this case, the Environmental Inspection conducted 11 inspections, issued four decisions requiring the elimination of irregularities, and submitted two requests to initiate misdemeanor proceedings. The Market Inspection found that records related to the purchase and sale of bulk goods were not made available during the inspection, which constitutes a violation of the Law on Internal Trade. Furthermore, as was the case with Bemax, it was determined that concrete had been placed on the market without verified proof of usability. Yet, the company remains active in Cijevna.

Putevi had one asphalt base removed and a temporary facility installed. The company was subject to the most inspections (20) and numerous orders for violation corrections, but it continues operations at the location.

In Morača, Čelebić was prohibited from using a building not registered in the real estate cadastre. The company also violated internal trade laws. The Environmental Inspection conducted five inspections and issued three orders to rectify identified irregularities. The Market Inspection also recorded a violation of the Law on Internal Trade, as records of bulk goods transactions were not available at the time of inspection, mirroring previous cases. Additionally, it was found that the company was placing concrete on the market without verified usability through a statement of properties. Significant activity by Čelebić continues at the Morača site.

Montenegro Petrol is the only company whose facility was demolished because it was built in violation of the applicable planning documents and without the necessary permits. The Environmental Inspection carried out 19 inspections, issued six orders to eliminate irregularities, and submitted four requests to initiate misdemeanor proceedings. The Market Inspection found violations of both the Law on Internal Trade and the Law on Construction Products, for the same reasons previously identified in the case of Čelebić.

Despite these violations, all companies continue to operate without interruption. This is supported by information obtained by CIN-CG, which indicates that representatives of the competent environmental and water protection authorities in Montenegro recently visited the area, accompanied by foreign embassy officials, to demonstrate how gravel is being illegally extracted. During the visit, one embassy representative asked: "Why don't we call the police?"

Elaborat procjene uticaja na životnu sredinu firme Tehnoput na koji je saglasnost dala Agencija za zaštitu životne sredine temelji se na podacima starim čak sedam godina. Nijedna od firmi koje uništavaju Cijevnu i Moraču nema vodnu dozvolu, ali nesmetano rade 

Predrag NIKOLIĆ/Andrea PERIŠIĆ 

Izloženi buci i vazduhu koji se miješa sa česticama asfalta i pijeska i raznim drugim štetnim materijama – žive mještani i mještanke naselja Donja Cijevna i Mahala, od kojih neki imaju kuće svega pedesetak metara od čak tri postrojenja za proizvodnju asfalta. 

Sve je to na obali Cijevne, rijeke koja je većim dijelom zakonski zaštićena, ima status spomenika prirode i koja zajedno sa Moračom napaja ugroženo vodoizvorište Bolje sestre, koje se inače nalazi na UNESCO-voj mapi 150 najznačajnijih izvora karsta na svijetu. Nasuprot asfaltnih baza, na drugoj obali rijeke, nepregledni su zasadi Plantaža, kao i ljekovitog bilja, smilja koji su takođe ugroženi zbog štetnih čestica.

Uz obalu rijeke nekoliko preduzeća ima baze sa kompletnom mehanizacijom, drobilicama i voznim parkom - Putevi, Bemax i Genex, kao i firma Tehnoput. Posljednja je nedavno od Agencije za zaštitu životne sredine (EPA) dobila saglasnost na Elaborat procjene uticaja na životnu sredinu i dozvolu za rad. Taj elaborat, pokazalo je istraživanje Centra za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG), temelji se na podacima starim čak sedam godina, od kojih se mnogi ne odnose baš na tu lokaciju. 

Iz EPA za CIN-CG ističu da je njihova saglasnost na Elaborat samo jedan u nizu dokumenata koji je potreban firmi Tehnoput da obavlja svoje radove i da bi, da im ga nijesu odobrili, mogli da rizikuju tužbu i plaćanje odštete toj firmi. ,,Nijesmo mogli da pronađemo nijedan zakonski osnov da im ne izdamo saglasnost na Elaborat“, navode iz Agencije.  

Kompanija Tehnoput Saše Aćimića svoju djelatnost proizvodnje betona i eksploatacije šljunka obavljala je na državnom zemljištu. Od 2012. pokušali su da za svoje objekte dobiju građevinsku dozvolu i u tome nijesu uspjeli. U januaru 2023. građevinska inspekcija i policija zapečatili su asfaltnu bazu Tehnoputa na Cijevni. Međutim, pečat je ubrzo skinut i nastavljeno je sa nelegalnim aktivnostima. Reagovalo je tužilaštvo i Aćimić je uhapšen, ali je ubrzo pušten da se brani sa slobode.

Kada je u februara 2023. srušeno postrojenje druge kompanije Montenegro Petrola, mještani i javnost su se ponadali da je na vidiku kraj krađe šljunka i da se uvodi red u ovu oblast.

Međutim, nedavno izdavanje ekološke saglasnosti Tehnoputu je potvrda da se baš i ne ide u tom pravcu. 

,,Ponadali smo se da je stvar riješena. Ali sve je bila farsa. Nikada baze nijesu prestale da rade – od šest ujutru do četiri popodne. Baza ‘Puteva’ je bila primitivna baza, a onda su postavili novu, prije godinu i po dana i počela je da radi, bez vodne dozvole i ostalog. Krađa šljunka nije zaustavljena, a sada taj posao rade oni sa političkom podrškom ili dobrim familijarnim konekcijama…”, kaže za CIN-CG mještanin Donje Cijevne Saša Bošković. 

Koliko je pogubna ilegalna eksploatacija šljunka najbolje pokazuje podatak da je izdašnost Boljih sestara 2010, kada su izabrane za izvor sa kojeg će se napajati crnogorsko primorje, bila 2.600 litara u sekundi, a 2020. gotovo osam puta manje – 334 litra u sekundi. U 2021. i 2022. godini izdašnost je bila 265.  Ipak, nakon određenih aktivnosti države, 2023. izdašnost je uvećana za dva i po puta i bila je 677 litara u sekundi. 

Iz Regionalnog vodovoda – Crnogorsko primorje (Vodovod) za CIN-CG objašnjavaju da aktivnosti na zaustavljanju nelegalne eksploatacije šljunka i pijeska do početka 2023. godine nijesu davale očekivane rezultate i da je izdašnost u kontinuitetu padala. Dno korita rijeke Morače u II zoni sanitarne zaštite spuštalo se, navode, ispod dozvoljenih 10 metara nadmorske visine, a na nekim mjestima je spušteno čak ispod tri metra. 

Nadaju se da će dodatne količine koje su već ugovorene uz zahvaćenu vodu iz izvorišta Bolje sestre biti dovoljne za ovu ljetnju turističku sezonu. ,,Izgradnjom pješčane ustave očekuje se obezbjeđenje povećanja izdašnosti vodoizvorišta za dodatnih 50 do 70 litara u sekundi. U toku su aktivnosti za izgradnju filterskog postrojenja za prečišćavanje vode koje treba da obezbijedi dodatnih 100 litara u sekundi“, navode iz Vodovoda. 

Audio izjava: Saša Bošković

Nijedna od firmi nema vodne dozvole 

Svi mještani sa kojima je CIN-CG razgovarao tvrde da nijedna od firmi koje upravljaju asfaltnim bazama nema vodne dozvole koje izdaje Uprava za vode. 

CIN-CG-u su te navode potvrdili i iz Uprave za vode. 

,,Nijesmo izdali nijednu vodnu dozvolu za postrojenja - asfaltne baze na Cijevni. Za sprovođenje propisanih mjera i obaveza sa stanovišta upravljanja vodama, Zakon o vodama ne prepoznaje obavezu investitora da prije dobijanja saglasnosti na Elaborat o procjeni uticaja naživotnu sredinu mora prethodno pribaviti vodnu dozvolu. Međutim, taj zakon je izričit - za korišćenje objekata i postrojenja upotrebna dozvola ne može se izdati bez prethodno pribavljene vodne dozvole“, navode iz Uprave. 

Iz Agencije ističu da je ovaj problem od početka predimenzioniran, jer bez vodne dozvole, ova firma ne može zakonski da radi. Međutim, sve ove firme i dalje nesmetano rade, iako nemaju vodnu dozvolu. 

Prema Zakonu o vodama, asfaltna baza je objekat koji bi mogao imati značajan uticaj na zagađenje voda i zbog toga za dobijanje vodne saglasnosti na te objekte važe strogi kriterijumi. Neki od njih odnose se na način eksploatacije, mjere sanacija, procjene uticaja na živi svijet u vodi i okolna izvorišta, evidenciju izvađenih količina materijala, kao i brojne druge uslove.  

Postavlja se pitanje kako je moguće da ova preduzeća i dalje nesmetano rade i dobijaju zeleno svijetlo od državnih institucija kada je u februaru 2023. Vlada Crne Gore usvojila ,,Informaciju o potrebi hitne primjene mjera sanacije terena u zahvatu vodoizvorišta Bolje sestre, pojasa uz rijeke Moraču i Cijevnu sa elementima ekološke katastrofe” i zadužila tadašnje Ministarstvo ekologije, prostornog planiranja i urbanizma i EPA da hitno uklone i sruše objekte koji se nalaze u ovom prostoru.  

CIN-CG se obratio Ministarstvu prostornog planiranja, urbanizma i državne imovine (MPPUDI) sa pitanjima koliko je trenutno objekata za ekspolataciju sljunka na Morači i Cijevni, da li rade i zašto nijesu uklonjeni kao postrojenje firme Montenegro petrol. I pored dužeg čekanja, do objavljivanja ovog istraživanja nijesmo dobili odgovore. 

Najveći je problem, ističe za CIN-CG direktor NVO Ozon Aleksandar Perović, obesmišljavanje sistema. ,,Ako se, recimo, vodna dozvola i ekološka saglasnost kose, odnosno jedne ima, a druge ne, to ukazuje na izostanak međusektorske saradnje i otvara prostor za preispitivanje koruptivnih momenata, kao i nedostatak stručnosti. Nemoguće je da se institucije koje se bave zaštitom životne sredine, konkretno voda, ne slažu“, smatra on. 

Iz EPA najvljuju da će pokušati da okončaju nesaradnju. CIN-CG saznaje da će, do kraja mjeseca, na inicijativu Agencije biti održan sastanak sa predstavnicima Uprave za vode, Regionalnog Vodovoda – Crnogorsko primorje i Opštine Zeta, koja tek treba da se razgraniči sa Glavnim gradom, kako bi se predstavnici svih ovih institucija dogovorili oko rješenja za problem asfaltnih baza. 

Prostorni planovi koji su na snazi mjesto na kom se nalaze sve ove baze tretiraju kao industrijsku zonu. Tu je praktično zakonski moguće sagraditi i nuklearnu elektranu, ako bi neko došao na tu ideju. Zbog toga je, smatraju iz Agencije za zaštitu životne sredine, jedino održivo rješenje moratorijum na gradnju. Dok se ne donesu novi prostorni planovi kojima će se izmijeniti namjena ovog prostora. 

,,Na području Zete je smješteno sve što ne valja, imamo ozbiljne ekološke probleme – KAP, crveni mulj, eksploataciju šljunka, asfaltne baze, kolektor…  Prostorna rješenja predviđaju mogućnost investitorima da otvore topionice, željezare, rafinerije, da skladište zapaljivi otpad. Plašim se da nas tek očekuje jedna složena priča. Prostorni plan treba da se mijenja prema potrebi građana”, kaže za CIN-CG Tatjana Torbica koja živi u blizini asfaltnih baza.

Elaborat Tehnoputa temelji se na nerelevantnim podacima

U Elaboratu Tehnoputa koji je krajem prošlog mjeseca odobrila EPA nailazimo na zanimljive podatke.

U segmentu koji tretira postojeće stanje oko kvaliteta vazduha priznaje se da mjerenja nijesu vršena na lokaciji projekta: ,,Mjerenja kvaliteta vazduha na lokaciji projekta nijesu rađena s obzirom na to da se lokacija projekta nalazi u blizini KAP-a“. Umjesto toga, navode se raniji rezultati ovih mjerenja, čak iz 2017. godine, na mjernom mjestu kod Ambulante KAP-a.

Ni podaci o kvalitetu zemljišta nijesu urađeni na lokaciji projekta. Jesu, kako se tvrdi, na obližnjoj, i datiraju iz marta 2019.

Audio izjava: Tatjana Torbica

Nešto noviji podaci su oni o kvalitetu rijeke Morače za mjerni profil ispod ušća Cijevne i preuzeti su iz Ekološkog godišnjaka III-21 Zavoda za hidrometeorologiju i seizmologiju Crne Gore za 2021. godinu.

Bode u oči da EPA daje saglasnost na elaborat u kojem u odjeljku ,,Stanovništvo“ u jednom dijelu piše: ,,U blizini lokacije, odnosno jugozapadnom i južnom dijelu, nalaze se naselja Cijevna (61 stanovnik), Srpska (868 stanovnik), Balijače-Mahala (1354 stanovnik) i Mitrovići (299 stanovnik)“, a da se ipak nekako zaključuje da uticaja na stanovništvo neće biti: „U neposrednoj blizini nema stambenih objekata, te njegova eksploatacija neće imati uticaja na lokalno stanovništvo... U toku normalnog rada asfaltne baze nema negativnih uticaja na zdravlje ljudi“.

Ova konstatacija, navode mještani Donje Cijevne i Mahale u žalbi na Elaborat Tehnoputa koju su nedavno podnijeli EPA, a u koju je CIN-CG imao uvid, ,,toliko je netačna da je samo ona dovoljna da se donosilac zapita da li uopšte zna gdje je planirana izgradnja baze”. ,,Elaborat sadrži popis mjera koje se mogu preduzeti za zaštitu zemljišta, vode, vazduha..., međutim,… nigdje nije precizno navedeno šta će od tih mjera investitor zaista i preduzimati u svom radu i na koji način”, navode još mještani u žalbi. 

Ekološka suglasnost, objašnjavaju u Ozonu, podrazumijeva niz mjera monitoringa kvaliteta vazduha, zemljišta i vode, koje bi trebalo da budu redovno dostavljane nadležnim institucija. ,,Praksa pokazuje da se to ne radi“, navodi Perović. 

Niko se nije bavio uticajem na zdravlje ljudi tolikog broja asfaltnih baza na tako malom prostoru gdje su i poljoprivredna zemljišta

Mještane Donje Cijevne i Mahale posebno brine činjenica da se analizom uticaja na zdravlje ljudi tolikog broja asfaltnih baza na tako malom prostoru zapravo niko do sada nije bavio.

Zanimljivo je da se 2022. Zaštitnik imovinsko-pravnih interesa Crne Gore (Zaštitnik) dopisom obratio Agenciji za zaštitu životne sredine sa zahtjevom da ta agencija izvrši procjenu kumulativnog uticaja sve tri asfaltne baze na prirodu, što godinama traže i mještani, ali bezuspješno.

Iz Agencije, na čijem je čelu Milan Gazdić, Zaštitniku je odgovoreno da navodi da su preduzeća koja rukovode asfaltnim bazama zagadila životnu sredinu nijesu prepoznati Zakonom o odgovornosti za štetu u životnoj sredini. Umjesto da se izvrše nove analize, iz EPA su se pozvali na nalaze Ekološke inspekcije i Centra za ekotoksikološka ispitivanja (CETI), kao i na činjenicu da su ove firme već dobile saglasnost na elaborate procjene uticaja na životnu sredinu.

Mještani se godinama obraćaju institucijama i dostavljaju podatke koji ukazuju na to da asfaltne baze ne rade po ekološkim standardima. ,,Posljedice su konstantno zagađenje vazduha, vode, nesnosna buka, ugrožavanje zdravlja usljed neograničenog radnog vremena postrojenja“, upozorava Torbica.

Ona opominje i da se dešava devastacija priobalnog zemljišta i ispuštanje otpadnih voda u rijeku Cijevnu. ,,Tu je i problem ogromnih nasipa deponovanog materijala koji pod uticajem vjetra završavaju u naše domove“, navodi Torbica. Zatražila je obustavu rada postrojenja do usklađivanja tehnologije proizvodnje sa evropskim standardima.

Stanovnici Donje Cijevne i Mahale su više puta ukazivali i na netačne podatke i u Elaboratu o procjeni uticaja na životnu sredinu Puteva. ,,Nije istina da poljoprivredna zemljišta u blizini asfaltnih baza nijesu prisutna, jer se sa istočne strane nalaze vinogradi Plantaža, a štetni uticaj na zasade još niko nije ispitao. Takođe, uz prugu sa druge strane obale, takođe na maloj udaljenosti, nalazi se privatni posjed zasada pšenice, kao i velika područja zasada aromatičnog bilja”, piše u jednom od dopisa mještana Glavnom gradu u koji je CIN-CG imao uvid.

CIN-CG je sve ove navode mještana potvrdio izlaskom na teren. Obratili smo se i Plantažama.

,,Iako do sada nije utvrđen negativni uticaj na mikrolokalitetima koji su najbliži lokacijama pomenutih asfaltnih baza, u okviru redovnih aktivnosti i svakodnevnim obilascima, kompanija kontinuirano prati stanje na terenu“, navode iz ove kompanije. 

Mještani su očekivali da se uklone sve baze. ,,Dvije već rade i sada će i treća, koja je tu već 10 godina postojala i to bez ikakvih dozvola, saglasnosti i elaborata. Objasnili smo i prošloj vlasti o čemu je riječ, a sada i svima u novoj Vladi i niko nam ništa nije odgovorio”, kaže još Bošković.

Mještani ne vjeruju Agenciji

Torbica ističe da do sada nemaju nijedan odgovor institucija o šteti. Posebno je razočarana u rad Agencije za zaštitu životne sredine. ,,Obratili smo im se, čak smo imali i usmeno obećanje Milana Gazdića. Rekao je da će nam dostaviti procjenu štete od rada asfaltnih baza još prije par godina i nijesmo nikada dobili odgovor“, kaže ona.

Nakon dobijanja saglasnosti za gradnju još jedne baze na Cijevni, usljedilo je prepucavanje EPA, Regionalnog vodovoda - Crnogorsko primorje i Uprave za vode oko toga ko je kriv što je dozvola uopšte izdata.

Iz Regionalnog vodovoda su još u septembru prošle godine decidno saopštili da nije moguće izdati saglasnost na Elaborat Tehnoputa zbog zaštite vodoizvorišta Bolje Sestre. Iz EPA navode da je Uprava za vode u izjašnjenju konstatovala da se parcela asfaltne baze ne nalazi u zoni sanitarne zaštite vodoizvorišta i da je baza od njega udaljena oko šest kilometara vazdušnom linijom. Iz Uprave za vode navode da parcela gdje se nalazi baza nije obuhvaćena drugom zonom sanitarne zaštite, a ni predloženoj trećom zonom zaštite ovog izvorišta. 

Zanimljivo je, međutim, da ova Uprava od 2008. nije utvrdila granice šire zone zaštite ovog područja. 

Torbica smatra da je Regionalni vodovod morao da angažuje akreditovanu ustanovu koja bi napravila realnu procjenu koje su to šire zone sanitarne zaštite. ,,Neko je, da li slučajno, izostavio ovu oblast iz šire zone sanitarne zaštite, iz treće zone”, navodi ona. 

Iz Regionalnog vodovoda ranije su objasnili i zašto asfaltne baze ne mogu biti u zonama sanitarne zaštite. ,,Uzimajući u obzir da rad baze prouzrokuje ispuštanje hemikalija u vazduh tokom proizvodnje, uključujući mnoge toksične zagađivače vazduha kao što su arsen, benzen, formaldehid, kadmijum, fenol i heksan, neprihvatljivo je i nepravedno da se na taj način zagađuje rijeka Morača i sam tim ugrožava se vodoizvorište Bolje sestre”.

Gazdić je u više navrata izjavio da su investitori dužni da poštuju mjere za sprječavanje ili otklanjanje štetnih uticaja.

,,Mi se ne možemo osloniti na to da će mjere zaštite predložene elaboratima biti preduzete, jer to ni do sada nije bio slučaj. Bemax, recimo, ispušta otpadne vode koje su proizvod pranja njihovih mašina direktno u Cijevnu. Ako znamo da se za to koriste najgore hemikalije, a da sve to ide u naše rijeke, pa onda i u Skadarsko jezero – o čemu mi onda pričamo”, pita se Bošković.

Nije čudo da građani nemaju povjerenja da će se raditi po zakonu, jer je i sama AZŽS u novembru 2023. saopštila da kompanije Montenegro petrol, Bemax, Cijevna Komerc i Beton Montenegro nijesu ispoštovale zakonsku obavezu i toj agenciji nijesu na saglasnost dostavile predlog mjera sanacije zbog štete učinjene u koritu rijeke Morače.

Zakon o odgovornosti za štetu u životnoj sredini, inače, predviđa prekršajnu novčanu kaznu od dvije do 40 hiljada eura za pravno lice koje u roku koji je određen rješenjem ne sačini i ne dostavi predlog mjera sanacije.

CIN-CG je ranije pisao o tome da je od 25 krivičnih postupaka koji su pokrenuti zbog nelegalne eksploatacije šljunka u posljednjih pet godina samo pet završeno. Dva su odbačena, a u tri su počinioci dobili simbolične kazne - dvije novčane od 1.700 i 800 eura i jednu uslovnu osudu.

Montenegro petrol, s druge strane, koji je decenijama na državnom zemljištu krao šljunak pred Privrednim sudom pokrenuo je postupak protiv države od koje traži obeštećenje od četiri miliona eura!

Bošković ističe da njihova borba i ignorisanje institucija traju 10 godina i najavljuje da će, ako i dalje ne budu dobijali odgovor, krenuti u proteste.

Audio izjava: Tatjana Torbica

U regionu asfaltne baze daleko od naseljenih mjesta

U najbližem okruženju Crne Gore mnoge asfaltne baze nijesu u blizini gusto naseljenih mjesta. Primjeri su Teko Mining Vinča u Grockoj, SremPut u Rumi, HidroKop u Banja Luci, Ceste Bjelovar, Zagrebačke ceste, Novi Pazar Put i druge.

U pojedinim zemljama postoje čak i ekološka asfaltska društva, a njihov prioritet je zelena upotreba recikliranog starog asfalta, odnosno zelena asfaltska industrija - proizvodnja niskotemperaturnog asfalta pri čemu je manja i količina štetnih emisija.

Iz Evropske komisije (EK) godinama upozoravaju da je industrija asfalta jedan od najvećih potrošača energije i sirovina i enormno doprinosi emisiji gasova staklene bašte. Oni rješenje vide u razvijanju novih tehnologija za integraciju otpada i recikliranih materijala u ciklus proizvodnje asfaltnih mješavina, jer bi se tako poboljšala održivost, smanjio karbonski otisak i poguban uticaj na životnu sredinu. U jednom od projekata u Španiji, koji je podržala EK još 2014, čak je predstavljen i koncept eko-asfalta koji kombinuje zelena veziva, reciklažne agregate koji su nastali iz građevinskog otpada i regenerisani asfalt. 

Sve ove zelene ideje, iako se u Evropi već godinama sprovode u djelo, još su mnogo daleko od Crne Gore. 
Iako bi asfaltne baze trebalo da budu privremenog karaktera, u praksi one na jednoj lokaciji funkcionišu decenijama. Mještani Donje Cijevne i Mahale ističu da drugi dom nemaju, kao ni živote. ,,Asfaltne baze su mobilne i mogu se premjestiti na drugu, adekvatniju lokaciju s obzirom na njihov poguban uticaj na okruženje. Mi nijesmo”, kažu. Uz gorčinu objašnjavaju da kada su se jednom prilikom obratili inspekciji na rad jedne od baza, odgovoreno im je da takva ista postoji i u centru Berlina. 

Većina firmi radi ilegalno, a policija ne reaguje

Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) imao je uvid u „Informaciju o statusu inspekcijskih postupaka inženjerskih objekata – postrojenja: asfaltnih baza, betonskih baza i drobiličnih postrojenja” koju je sačinio Direktorat za inspekcijski nadzor Ministarstva ekologije, prostornog planiranja i urbanizma krajem januara 2023.

Taj dokument pokazuje sve kontrole, rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti, o rušenju ili zabrani građena, kao i sve zahtjeve za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka protiv firmi koje devastiraju Cijevnu i Moraču. 

Kada je riječ o postrojenjima na Cijevni, u slučaju firme Tehnoput Ministarstvo je 2023. donijelo rješenje o zabrani građenja njihovog objekta i objekat je zapečaćen. Ekološka inspekcija izvršila je 14 kontrola, donijeta su četiri rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti, a podnijeta dva zahtjeva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka. Prije nekoliko dana je i Urbanističko-građevinska inspekcija Ministarstva prostornog planiranja, urbanizma i državne imovine donijela Rješenje o zabrani građenja asfaltne baze ove firme. Kakve će to rezultate imati, ostaje da se vidi, jer ni prethodna ovakva i slična rješenja nijesu spriječila Tehnoput da nastavi sa radom.

Za asfaltnu bazu Bemaksa donijeta su tri rješenja o rušenju djelova objekta koji su izgrađeni suprotno revidiranom glavnom projektu i građevinskoj dozvoli. Donijeto je i rješenje o prekidu postupka legalizacije. Ekološka inspekcija izvršila je 13 kontrola, donijeta su četiri rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti, a podnijet je jedan zahtjev za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka. Tržišna inspekcija je čak utvrdila da je na tržište stavljen beton za koji nije dokazana upotrebljivost izjavom o svojstvima, što je suprotno Zakonu o građevinskim proizvodima. Ali Bemax i dalje radi na ovoj lokaciji.

Cijevnoj Komerc donijeto je rješenje o rušenju, jer su dvije betonske baze i ostali objekti izgrađeni suprotno važećim planskim dokumentima i bez odgovarajućeg odobrenja. Ekološka inspekcija je u ovom slučaju sprovela 11 kontrola, četiri rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti i dva zahtjeva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka. Tržišna inspekcija je ustanovila da joj evidencija o nabavci i prodaji robe na veliko nije dostupna u toku kontrole, što predstavlja kršenje Zakona o unutrašnjoj trgovini. Takođe je, kao i u slučaju Bemaxa, utvrđeno da je na tržište stavljen beton za koji nije dokazana upotrebljivost. I ova firma je danas aktivna na Cijevni.

Firmi Putevi jedna je asfaltna baza uklonjena i postavljen je privremeni objekat. U njenom slučaju ekološka inspekcija obavila je najviše kontrola - njih 20, a donijela je i pet rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti i četiri zahtjeva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupka. Ni Putevi nijesu prestali sa aktivnostima na ovoj lokaciji.

Na Morači, firmi Čelebić donijeto je rješenje o zabrani upotrebe objekta, jer nije upisan u katastar nepokretnosti shodno Zakonu o državnom premjeru i katastru nepokretnosti. Ekološka inspekcija izvršila je pet kontrola i donijela tri rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti. Tržišna inspekcija je konstatovala i kršenje Zakona o unutrašnjoj trgovini, jer ni u ovom slučaju evidencija o nabavci i prodaji robe na veliko nije dostupna u momentu kontrole. Isto je utvrđeno da je firma na tržište stavljala beton za koji nije dokazana upotrebljivost izjavom o svojstvima. Čelebić na Morači i dalje ima velike aktivnosti.

Jedino je Montenegro Petrolu srušeno postrojenja izgrađena suprotno važećem planskom dokumentu i mimo odobrenja. Ekološka inspekcija obavila je 19 kontrola, donijela šest rješenja za otklanjanje nepravilnosti i podnijela četiri zahtjeva za pokretanje prekršajnog postupk. Tržišna inspekcija je utvrdila da su kršeni Zakon o unutrašnjoj trgovini i Zakon o građevinskim proizvodima – iz istih razloga kao i u slučaju Čelebića.

Da sve ove firme nesmetano rade, potvrđuje i saznanje CIN-CG-a da su nedavno ovo područje posjetili predstavnici nadležnih institucija koje se bave zaštitom životne sredine i vodama u Crnoj Gori zajedno sa predstavnicima stranih ambasada kojima su pokazivali kako se ilegalno eksploatiše šljunak. Jedan od službenika iz ambasade je upitao – a zbog čega ne zovnemo policiju?  

One of the most significant contracts signed by the mayor of Budva, originally from Spuž, is with the company Carat, led by Dragan Perović—a figure with whom Mayor Božović shares both personal and business connections. In Dubovica, where Carat is engaged in infrastructure development, the two are co-owners of land and residential property

Predrag Nikolić

According to multiple sources, Božović and Perović are godfathers. In early October of last year, Dragan's brother, Radovan Perović, was arrested. The Special State Prosecutor's Office (SSPO) suspects that he, along with Bojan Ojdanić and Vjekoslav Lambulić, was involved in forming a criminal organization and in the illicit production, possession, and distribution of narcotic drugs. Their arrests were a continuation of the broader investigation already being conducted by the SSPO against Božović.

This is just one of several contracts—collectively worth over 12 million euros—that the mayor of Budva signed while in remand prison. However, the most valuable is the deal with his godfather, totaling 4,499,181 euros. The contract with the company Carat covers infrastructure works for constructing three roads within the scope of the Detailed Urban Plan (DUP) Dubovica 1. According to the agreement, the project will be financed across multiple budget years, with 400,000 euros allocated in last year's budget.

Božović and Perović are connected not only by personal ties but also by business interests, particularly in Dubovica, the location of Božović's ancestral home. There, the two are co-owners of both land and residential property. One plot, measuring over 1,000 square meters, has eight owners; Božović holds a 50% stake, while Perović owns 24 out of 480 shares. On a second parcel of 1,738 square meters, Božović again holds half, and Perović's company, Carat, owns a sixteenth—an ownership structure mirrored in a third plot of 320 square meters.

The same ownership ratio—one-half held by Božović and one-sixteenth by Carat—applies to an 824-square-meter residential property in Dubovica. According to documents reviewed by the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG), Carat sold several apartments within this building in February and March of last year.

In July 2023, around the same time as the Dubovica agreement, Božović and Perović signed another contract—this one for the construction of road A 75-75 in Bečići, valued at 346,813 euros. Carat, the main contractor, engaged several subcontractors for the project, including Ving (Pljevlja), La Collina (Podgorica), Geo Plus (Podgorica), and Hidromont Engineering (Podgorica).

Over the past year, Božović signed multiple public procurement contracts totaling more than 10 million euros while incarcerated in Spuž prison. This practice continued into the current year, with Božović signing public procurement agreements worth two million euros in the first two months alone.

Milo Božović was arrested on the morning of April 13, 2023. The Special State Prosecutor's Office filed an indictment against him, accusing him of organizing a criminal group and trafficking drugs. While the indictment is still pending before the High Court, the court has allowed Božović to continue signing municipal documents from prison and to lead the Municipality.

Public Tenders Made Available After Journalists' Request

On the Municipality of Budva's website, information about all contracts was previously unavailable to the public under the' Tenders and Public Procurements' section. Only after inquiries from CIN-CG at the end of February were the tenders and public procurements updated and made accessible.

Bemax is the Municipality's second major partner. Božović signed a contract with this company for one of the most significant investments—reconstructing two key streets in the city center, 22 Novembar and Mediteranska. The project involves converting these streets into boulevards and constructing a roundabout.

With permission from the High Court, Božović signed this contract while in the Investigation Prison in Spuž at the end of last year. On January 12, Miladin Mijajlović, executive director of Bemax, and Sonja Novaković, the company's authorized representative, signed the agreement. The contract is valued at nearly three million euros, specifically 2,924,681 euros. It was noted that the investment will be financed across multiple budget years, with 1,650,000 euros allocated for this year. Bemax's work in the city center is expected to be completed in time for the tourist season, with a 160-day deadline from the start of the contractor's work.

Just a week after the contract was signed, members of the Special Police Department arrested Aleksandar Aco Mijajlović, one of the recent co-owners of the company Bemax. He, along with five others, was taken into custody on suspicion of cigarette smuggling, specifically for allegedly forming a criminal organization and committing the extended criminal offense of smuggling.

One of Bemax's subcontractors on this project is BB Solar, owned by businessman Blažo Đukanović, the son of former Prime Minister and President Milo Đukanović. According to the contract, Đukanović's company is responsible for electrical engineering work. The subcontract is valued at 16.27 percent of the total project cost, approximately 488,000 euros.

Earlier this year, Božović signed a contract worth over a million euros for constructing a road in the Blizikuće settlement above Sveti Stefan. The contract, valued at 1,249,637 euros, was signed with the SBM consortium, represented by Vladimir Mirković.

Vladimir Mirković is the executive director of Asfalt-Beton Construction, based in Podgorica, which is the lead bidder on the project. The consortium also includes several other companies: Đurković from Nikšić with a 32.23% stake, Tofi from Rožaje with 6.81%, Breznamont from Nikšić with 5.48%, Hidromont from Podgorica with 4.31%, and Geotin MNE, also from Podgorica, with a 0.96% share.

In addition to earning half a million euros from the road construction project, Asfalt-Beton Gradnja secured another contract with Božović just before the New Year for the maintenance of city infrastructure, valued at 389,871 euros. The company had also been awarded a similar contract the previous year for the same amount and a separate agreement for the rehabilitation of existing roads, worth over 400,000 euros.

Asfalt-Beton Gradnja holds a 21.65% share in the previously mentioned major infrastructure project worth 4.5 million euros, led by Carat.

Their collaboration with this company continued into this year. On February 21, a new contract for land servicing works, valued at 35,829 euros, was signed.

From Carević to Božović: A Tradition of Controversial Deals

By awarding five contracts worth over two million euros to Asfalt-Beton Gradnja, Mayor Milo Božović has continued the practice established by his predecessor, Marko Carević, who is also a member of the Democratic Front.

In May 2020, the NGO MANS filed a criminal complaint against Carević with the Special State Prosecutor's Office (SSPO), alleging that he awarded road asphalting contracts to Asfalt-Beton Gradnja to benefit his own company, Carinvest, which acted as a subcontractor on million-euro projects. At the time, MANS claimed that Carević had signed 11 contracts with Asfalt-Beton Gradnja, with a total value nearing two million euros. However, in October 2020, the SSPO, under the leadership of Milivoje Katnić, dismissed the complaint.

Among the numerous contracts Božović has signed—worth more than three million euros in total—several were concluded with the Podgorica-based company Inženjer Gogić. In January of this year, Božović signed a contract with this company for the construction of the lower slab of a canal beneath a bridge structure in Bečići, including its connection to the existing canal system. The contract was valued at 47,632 euros.

In February of the previous year, Božović signed three more contracts with Inženjer Gogić. One was for constructing a street with complete infrastructure along the Slatava stream in Buljarica, valued at 1,638,757 euros. The other two were for works regulating the Bečić stream—Lot 1 worth 1,075,555 euros and Lot 2 worth 470,760 euros.

These contracts were signed on behalf of Inženjer Gogić by Zerina Idrizović, the company's executive director. According to the Central Register of Business Entities, the company's founder and majority owner is Miljan Gogić, who holds a 90 percent stake. The remaining 10 percent is owned by the Tuzi-based Koti Group, a company registered for non-specialized wholesale trade. Koti Group's founder, executive director, and authorized representative is Veljko Lakočević.

Lakočević was the majority owner of Inženjer Gogić until March 2021. A year earlier, he purchased a large glass office building in central Podgorica, located directly across from Njegošev Park, through this very company.

In December 2021, MANS published an investigation revealing that despite identifying irregularities, the Property Administration did not cancel the tender for a controversial real estate project. Instead, it signed a contract worth approximately 8.7 million euros with Koti nekretnine.

At the time of the transaction, Koti nekretnine was owned by Inženjer Gogić. In September 2019, Vladan Ivanović transferred his stake in Inženjer Gogić to Veljko Lakočević without compensation.

Vladan Ivanović also owns Master Engineering and was part of the ownership structure of Novi Volvox, a company linked to his uncle, Milan Ivanović. The Ivanović family has long been perceived as close to the Đukanović political circle.

Following the scandal surrounding the so-called "nobody's house" in Gorica, businessman Duško Knežević publicly stated:

"Everyone in Montenegro knows that the house belongs to Đukanović, even though it's officially registered under his friend Vladan Ivanović."

According to the Municipality of Budva's Public Procurement Plan as of January 31, 2023, the total projected value of public procurements for that year was 26 million euros. However, based on the contracts available, only around 15 million euros' worth of contracts for works, services, and goods were signed, indicating that the plan was not fully realized.

This year's procurement plan totals just over 19 million euros, with roughly 17 million remaining uncontracted.

After Mayor Božović's arrest, there were widespread concerns that public procurement procedures and other official matters would halt, especially since he had not appointed any deputy mayors before his detention. His resignation was publicly requested to ensure the Municipality could function. The legal uncertainty was eventually addressed by the High Court in Podgorica, which authorized Božović to continue signing official municipal documents from prison.

Meanwhile, amid ongoing legal and administrative confusion in the Municipality of Budva, the Ministry of Public Administration has announced that it has finally launched a review into the legality of the actions taken by the detained mayor, Milo Božović.

Montenegro has over 300 uncontrolled landfills, and most municipalities fail to implement recycling or waste separation practices. Alarmingly, the situation has worsened over the past decade. Every year, millions of euros are wasted, and the environment continues to suffer from increasing pollution.

Andrea Perišić

"For the past two years, I've been collecting every plastic and glass bottle, hoping to find a place where I can ensure they'll be properly recycled," an interviewee from Podgorica shared with the Center for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro (CIN-CG). She is among the few who actively separate waste in the household.

Montenegro has only 13 recycling centers, located in Podgorica, Herceg Novi, and Kotor. In 2019, a mobile waste container was introduced in the capital, and more recently, recycling machines have been installed in some areas.

In the recycling yard located in Zabjelo, Podgorica, various containers are designated for different types of waste: electronic and electrical items, paper and cardboard, glass, tires, aluminum cans, PET packaging, plastic, white goods, bulky metal waste, fluorescent tubes, batteries, eco-waste, and waste oil. Nearly everything is recyclable here except textiles.

However, few people use these recycling yards. The containers are often half-empty, with some barely containing anything, such as the one for electronic waste, which holds only a handful.

Most people are unaware of these recycling yards, and recycling efforts are poorly promoted. The issue lies in the fact that the centers in Podgorica are situated in locations that are not easily accessible to most of the population.

Since these recycling yards are used voluntarily, they are primarily utilized by environmentally conscious citizens. Waste separation should be mandatory and implemented at the source, directly from door to door. This would make the system more accessible and convenient, which is key to its success and achieving good results. Only then can we expect higher rates of separate waste collection and recycling," representatives from the NGO Zero Waste Montenegro stated to CIN-CG.

According to the NGO, once the infrastructure for waste separation is in place, it is crucial to focus on education and raising awareness about recycling and proper waste management.

The lack of awareness about the importance of recycling is clearly reflected in the situation, which has worsened compared to a decade ago, when Montenegro began negotiations with the European Union (EU), where waste management was one of the key topics.

"This is the fourth year without a State Waste Management Plan, and as a result, there are no local plans either. In a sense, waste management in Montenegro is happening in an unmanaged, 'natural' way," Ivana Vojinović, director of the Center for Climate Change, Natural Resources, and Energy at the University of Donja Gorica (UDG) says to CIN-CG.

According to her, no waste prevention plans have been implemented at the local level, despite being a requirement of European legislation and a crucial first step in fostering a recycling culture.

The country loses tens of millions of euros annually, if not more, while the environment suffers due to the lack of recycling and waste separation.

As part of its EU accession negotiations, Montenegro is required to recycle at least 50 percent of municipal waste by 2030. However, in 2022, the country recycled less than half a percent. This is highlighted in the Report of the Statistical Office of Montenegro (Monstat), published at the end of last year. In 2022, approximately 336,000 tons of municipal waste were produced, with just over 1,000 tons being recycled.

According to Monstat data, in 2022, Montenegro generated 1.412 million tons of waste, of which approximately 20 percent were classified as hazardous. Additionally, the average resident produced 544 kilograms of waste annually, or roughly 1.5 kilograms per day.

Landfill and Recycling Ltd, from Podgorica, which manages the recycling center, informed CIN-CG that in 2023, 560 tons of municipal waste were recycled. The materials sorted include cardboard, paper, iron, aluminum cans, plastic bags, PET packaging, and mixed plastics.

Moving Backwards Instead of Forward

As Montenegro recycled less than half a percent of its waste in 2022, the country is regressing rather than progressing in its EU negotiations. In 2021, recycling rates were around two percent, similar to 2020 and 2019. Interestingly, Montenegro recycled more in 2013, when EU negotiations first began, than it has in recent years.

The Strategy for Waste Management in Montenegro until 2030 only provides data on waste composition for 2013. That year, approximately 244,000 tons of municipal waste were generated, including about 32,000 tons of paper, 29,000 tons of plastic, 20,000 tons of glass, and 13,000 tons of PET packaging.

According to the current price list from the Podgorica company "Landfill and Recycling Ltd."  the purchase price for old newsprint and office paper ranges from 20 to 60 euros per ton, depending on the grade and type. Plastic is priced at 25, 30, or 50 euros per ton, while PET packaging is valued between 80 and 250 euros per ton. If these materials were recycled, Montenegro could save millions of euros, which currently end up in illegal or poorly managed landfills. At the lowest prices, recycling paper alone could generate around 650,000 euros, recycling plastic could bring in 725,000 euros, and PET packaging could yield over a million euros.

In the Report on the Implementation of the State Waste Management Plan for 2013, it was stated that in most municipalities, containers for the primary selection of municipal waste (paper, cardboard, metal, plastic, glass) were installed, but that the collection of selected fractions is not done separately. Still, the containers with selected and mixed waste are emptied simultaneously, and the selected part then ends up in one of the mixed landfills.

CIN-CG contacted all municipalities in Montenegro and found that most do not implement separate waste collection despite local authorities' decisions to do so.

"We were unable to implement the decision due to personnel and technical limitations," stated the "Communal Activities" department in Šavnik to CIN-CG.

Other municipalities have expressed the same concerns.

"Waste recycling has never been implemented in Žabljak, although we do have a facility that was used for sorting waste, not recycling, even during its operational period," officials from the Office of the President of the Municipality of Žabljak told CIN-CG.

Cetinje lacks a facility for recycling and sorting mixed municipal waste, and the existing planning documentation does not include plans for its construction.

"Mixed municipal waste collected by LLC 'Municipal Services' Cetinje is transported daily from the municipality to the regional sanitary landfill 'Livade' in Podgorica, where it is sorted in a dedicated facility," the Office of the Mayor of the Capital City Cetinje told CIN-CG.

The municipality confirmed that there is no recycling center in Andrijevica and that no funding is available for its construction.

According to the Plav municipality, starting in 2021, Plav began recycling paper, PVC waste, cardboard, and glass using dedicated presses.

Local authorities in Herceg Novi say the decision on separate waste disposal is only partially implemented due to low awareness among residents. They also highlight that non-compliance with the Waste Management Law is one of the major challenges for recycling.

Meanwhile, the proposal for this law was adopted by the Parliament of Montenegro at the end of last year. It addresses the management of waste from single-use plastic products and plastic-containing fishing gear, among other issues.

Improper Waste Disposal in Podgorica: Mixed Waste Found in Dry Fraction Bins

Municipal Service from Podgorica also confirmed that separate waste collection has yielded minimal results to CIN-CG. They explained that the system was initially designed with three bins (for paper, plastic, and metal), later reduced to two bins (for dry and wet municipal waste fractions). However, the crucial element of waste separation at the source, specifically in households, was lacking. As a result, the bins are predominantly filled with mixed municipal waste.

In mid-January of this year, the company monitored the unloading of a truck emptying containers designated for the dry fraction of waste to assess the content of the collected material. The analysis revealed that citizens were not correctly using the container for the dry fraction, despite prominent labels and numerous appeals through the media. Instead, they are disposing of mixed municipal waste in it.

"This confirms that citizens are not embracing this waste disposal system. Given that changing habits is challenging, we believe implementing a penalty policy would be the quickest way to address non-compliance with waste management rules," the company stated.

The Office of the Mayor of Cetinje explains that no effective, incentivizing pricing policy is in place. Companies providing municipal waste collection services could offer discounts to households that separate recyclable waste generated within the home.

Montenegro Lacks a Landfill for Hazardous Waste and Has No Plans to Build One

"A woman from Podgorica, researching pesticides, told CIN-CG, that the company for sanitary and environmental protection "Hemosan" Ltd. Bar the only one licensed for proper hazardous waste disposal, wanted to charge me around 100 euros, plus VAT, for transporting two small pesticide packages from Podgorica to Bar and storing them—services I was hoping to dispose of.'"

In the end, despite the pesticides being classified as hazardous waste, she had no choice but to dispose of them in a regular container.

Unfortunately, it's not uncommon for irresponsible individuals to leave waste outside containers, including dangerous materials.

Montenegro lacks a designated landfill for hazardous waste, and there are no plans to establish one in the current State Waste Management Plan for 2015-2020 or the draft plan for 2023-2028.

For years, in the Konik settlement of Podgorica, in Ćemovsko Polje and behind the landfill, irresponsible individuals have been setting fire to tires in order to extract and sell the wire. These fires have often spread uncontrollably. The burning of tires releases dioxin, a highly toxic pollutant that, according to the World Health Organization (WHO), can cause reproductive and developmental issues, weaken the immune system, disrupt hormones, and lead to serious diseases, including cancer.

For decades, the government has failed to find an effective solution to address this problem.

Medical waste, various types of batteries, and accumulators continue to be disposed of recklessly.

In Montenegro, the planned opening of the Brskovo mine near Mojkovac raises concerns, as the potential consequences of the waste generated there have been overlooked. If mishandled, the waste from the mine, which could contain mercury and other heavy metals such as cadmium and arsenic, poses a significant risk to both the environment and the health of Montenegro's residents.

Kotor is the Only City Separating Paper, Plastic, Glass, and Metal for Recycling

By the time this investigation was published, CIN-CG had not received responses to several questions from other municipalities. However, the 2022 Report on the Implementation of the State Plan for Waste Management in Montenegro, released at the end of last year, reveals that municipalities such as Bijelo Polje, Danilovgrad, Gusinje, Pljevlja, Ulcinj, Tuzi, Rožaje, Petnjica, Berane, Budva, and Bar do not have separate waste disposal systems in place.

The situation is somewhat better in Herceg Novi, Kolašin, Kotor, and Tivat, where bulky and green waste are collected separately, and compost bins are used to process significant amounts of green waste. A composting plant is planned for four municipalities—Kotor, Herceg Novi, Budva, and Tivat—but its capacity is limited, meaning it currently only processes waste from the city of Kotor.

These data indicate that the municipalities of Andrijevica, Berane, Bijelo Polje, Žabljak, Danilovgrad, Nikšić, Gusinje, Pljevlja, Plužine, Cetinje, Rožaje, Ulcinj, Šavnik, Petnjica, and Tuzi have not separated any waste for recycling.

The other municipalities included in the report—Bar, Mojkovac, Budva, Podgorica, Kolašin, Tivat, and Herceg Novi—separate at least some paper, glass, plastic, and metal for recycling. However, Kotor stands out by preparing all these materials for reuse, processing about a thousand tons of waste.

"The recycling issue is deeply systemic, as many local governments struggle to manage the waste they generate. At the state level, there are no clear guidelines outlining who is responsible for the complex waste collection, sorting, and recycling process. Additionally, there is little incentive to change the status quo, as recycling is not currently a competitive alternative to traditional waste disposal," Ivana Vojinović explains.

As she explains, to make the recycling system effective, the work of inspection authorities must be enhanced.

"Montenegro needs to improve its recycling rate, which is currently one of the lowest in Europe. Adopting European standards would transform how we manage waste, leading to more household bins, better waste disposal planning, and the procurement of specialized bins and bags. This approach, which has long been established in many countries, would foster a recycling culture still in its early stages in Montenegro," Vojinović says.

CIN-CG contacted the communal police of several municipalities to inquire about the number of fines issued for improper waste disposal from 2018 through the end of last year. Only the municipalities of Pljevlja, Budva, and Kotor responded.

Only three fines, ranging from 30 to 1,000 euros, were issued for this offense in Pljevlja, all of which were imposed on individuals. "In many cases, it was impossible to identify the perpetrator," Pljevlja Communal Police stated.

In Budva, 354 misdemeanor orders were issued, totaling 65,470 euros, for improper waste disposal, mostly near container stations and along local and main roads. "The municipality of Budva has not had a designated waste disposal site for five years, as required by planning documents, which complicates enforcement," representatives of the Budva Municipal Police stated. They noted that illegal dumping typically occurs in the evening, when fewer communal inspectors are on duty, with frequent violations reported in areas such as Jaz, Topliški Put, Markovići, Stanišići, Reževici, Bečići, Paštrovska Gora, and Buljarica.

According to the Kotor Inspection Service, 15 individuals were fined 7,500 euros, while 16 legal entities were penalized with fines totaling 22,000 euros.

Waste Management Crisis in Nikšić: No Plan in Sight Despite Rising Pollution

Nikšić lacks a system for separate municipal waste collection and recycling, making it the only municipality in Montenegro without a plan for managing municipal and non-hazardous construction waste for years.

"They clearly don't understand their priorities," activist Ivana Čogurić says.

"The Gračanica River has been turned into a landfill along its entire course. Instead of addressing this environmental issue, they are focusing on the reconstruction of bridges over the river, which, according to experts, are in excellent condition," Čogurić from the "Ecopatriotism" movement highlights.

She emphasizes recognizing waste as a resource and suggests street recycling machines to encourage citizens to recycle beyond their homes. "This way, people could receive money for recycling cans and bottles immediately."

Recently, Podgorica installed recycling machines in five locations where citizens can exchange plastic bottles (PET) or cans for food for homeless dogs. A similar initiative exists in Kotor, where citizens can "buy" food for street cats by recycling plastic bottles, a symbol of the city.

The Nikšić Municipality's Secretariat for Communal Affairs and Traffic told CIN-CG they have prepared a Draft Local Plan for managing Communal and Non-Hazardous Construction Waste. They also reported that technical documentation for building a recycling yard is in progress, along with a draft decision on the municipality's separate collection and disposal of communal waste.

Europe Recycles Over 50% of Municipal Waste

According to data from the Draft State Waste Management Plan for the period from 2023 to 2028, in 2020, Montenegro recorded over 300 illegal landfills. The highest concentration of these uncontrolled dumpsites is in Bijelo Polje, which accounts for 106.

For years, the European Commission (EC) has repeatedly warned that little progress has been made in waste management, and that Montenegro's national legislation is only partially aligned with EU standards.

According to the European Environment Agency (EEA), nearly all European countries, except Sweden, have significantly improved their municipal waste recycling rates since 2004. Countries like Germany, Austria, Slovenia, the Netherlands, Denmark, Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland, and Italy recycle up to 50% or more of their municipal waste.

Finland and Sweden recycle about 40% of their waste, while Poland recycles even more.

However, some countries, such as Cyprus, Malta, Turkey, and Romania, still recycle less than 20% of their waste. Croatia recycles about 30%, Bosnia and Herzegovina around 20%, and Serbia approximately 15%. All of these countries outperform Montenegro in waste recycling.

Jedan od najvrednijih ugovora koje je gradonačelnik Budve potpisao iz Spuža je onaj sa kompanijom Carat, na čijem je čelu Dragan Perović, sa kojim Božović ima lične i poslovne veze - na Dubovici, gdje Carat gradi infrastrukturu, obojica su suvlasnici zemljišta i stambenog prostora

Predrag Nikolić

Predsjednik Opštine Budva Milo Božović je iz zatvora sa Draganom Perovićem, izvršnim direktorom budvanske kompanije Carat, potpisao ugovor vrijedan četiri i po miliona eura. To je urađeno 28. jula prošle godine, tri i po mjeseca nakon što je Božović priveden u Spuž.

Prema više izvora, Božović i Perović su kumovi. Draganov brat Radovan Perović uhapšen je početkom oktobra prošle godine. Njega, Bojana Ojdanića i Vjekoslava Lambulića Specijalno državno tužilaštvo (SDT) sumnjiči da su počinili krivična djela stvaranje kriminalne organizacije i neovlašćenu proizvodnju, držanje i stavljanje u promet opojnih droga. Njihovo hapšenje uslijedilo je kao proširenje istrage koju SDT vodi protiv Božovića.

Ovo je samo jedan od ugovora vrijednih preko 12 miliona eura, koje je prvi čovjek Budve potpisao iz istražnog zatvora, ali je posao sa kumom pojedinačno najvrijedniji, 4.499.181 eura. Ugovor sa firmom Carat odnosi se na radove komunalnog opremanja za izgradnju tri saobraćajnice u zahvatu DUP-a Dubovica 1. U ugovoru se navodi da će se finansirati iz više budžetskih godina. Za prošlu godinu iz budžeta je za ovo bilo opredijeljeno 400.000 eura.

Božovića sa Perovićem ne vezuju samo lične veze. Oni su i poslovni partneri. I to baš na Dubovici, gdje je Božovićeva đedovina. Tamo su on i Perović suvlasnici zemljišta i stambenog prostora. Na preko hiljadu kvadrata zemljišta svojinski udio ima osam vlasnika, Milo Božović posjeduje pola, a Perović 24/480 zemljišta. U drugoj parceli od 1.738 kvadrata Božović ima pola udjela, a Perovićeva firma Carat šesnaestinu, isti odnos je i u vlasništvu nad trećom parcelom od 320 kvadrata.

Odnos jedna polovina i jedna šesnaestina vlasništva između Božovića i Carata je i u slučaju stambenog prostora na Dubovici od 824 kvadrata. Prema dokumentima u koje je Centar za istraživačko novinarstvo Crne Gore (CIN-CG) imao uvid, u februaru i martu prošle godine Carat prodaje više stanova u ovom objektu.

U isto vrijeme kada i ovaj, u julu 2023, Božović i Perović potpisuju i ugovor o radovima na izgradnji saobraćajnice A 75-75 u Bečićima. Vrijednost ovog ugovora je 346.813 eura, a podugovarači Carat-a su Ving, Pljevlja, La Collina, Podgorica, Geo Plus, Podgorica i Hidromont Inženjering, Podgorica.

Božović je tokom prošle godine iz zatvora u Spužu potpisao još ugovora po javnim nabavkama, ukupno preko 10 miliona eura. Ta praksa nastavljena je i tokom ove godine. Za samo prva dva mjeseca Božović stavio potpis na javne nabavke vrijedne dva miliona eura.

Milo Božović uhapšen 13. aprila 2023. rano ujutro. Specijalno državno tužilaštvo podiglo je optužnicu u kojoj ga terete za stvaranje kriminalne organizacije i šverc droge. I dok je pred Višim sudom još kontrola optužnice, isti taj sud je odobrio Božoviću da iz zatvora potpisuje opštinska dokumenta i vodi Opštinu.

TENDERI DOSTUPNI NAKON INTERESOVANJA NOVINARA

Na sajtu Opštine Budva, pod rubrikom Tenderi i javne nabavke, zainteresovanoj javnosti nijesu bile dostupne informacije o svim ugovorima. Tek nakon pitanja koje je CIN-CG uputio, krajem februara, tenderi i javne nabavke su ažurirani i sada su dostupni.

Bemax je drugi veliki partner Opštine Budva. Sa ovom kompanijom Božović je potpisao ugovor za jednu od najznačajnijih investicija - rekonstrukcija dvije ključne ulice u centru grada - 22. novembar i Mediteranske - i njihovo pretvaranje u bulevare sa izgradnjom kružnog toka.

Uz dozvolu Višeg suda, Božović je u spuškom Istražnom zatvoru, krajem prošle godine potpisao ovaj ugovor, da bi ga 12. januara potpisali i izvršni direktor Bemax-a Miladin Mijajlović i ovlašćena zastupnica ove kompanije Sonja Novaković. Vrijednost posla je blizu tri miliona, odnosno 2.924.681 eura. Naglašeno je i da će se ova investicija finansirati iz više budžetskih godina, a za ovu godinu je opredjeljeno 1.650.000 eura. Bemax-ovi radovi u centru grada dočekaće ove sezone turiste jer je rok za izvođenje radova 160 dana od uvođenja izvođača u posao.

Sedmicu nakon potpisivanja ovog ugovora, pripadnici Specijalnog policijskog odjeljenja uhapsili su Aleksandra Aca Mijajlovića, jednog od doskorašnjih suvlasnika kompanije Bemax. On i još pet osoba lišeni su slobode zbog šverca cigareta, odnosno sumnje da su počinili krivično djelo stvaranje kriminalne organizacije i produženo krivično djelo krijumčarenje.

Podugovarač Bemax-u u ovom poslu je BB Solar, biznismena Blaža Đukanovića, sina nekadašnjeg premijera i šefa države Mila Đukanovića. Ugovorom je precizirano da je Đukanovićeva firma zadužena za izvođenje elektrotehničkih radova. Za to je sljeduje procenat od 16,27 odsto, ili 488.000 eura.

Božović je početkom ove godine parafirao i milionski ugovor o izgradnji puta u naselju Blizikuće iznad Svetog Stefana. Ugovor vrijedan 1.249.637 eura je sklopljen sa konzorcijumom SBM, koga zastupa Vladimir Mirković.

Mirković je izvrši direktor Asfalt-beton gradnje, Podgorica, koja je nosilac ponude u ovom poslu u koji su još uključeni - firme Đurković, Nikšić, sa učešćem od 32,23 odsto, Tofi, Rožaje, 6,81 odsto učešća, Breznamont, Nikšić, 5,48 udjela, Hidromont, Podgorica, učešće od 4,31 odsto i Geotin MNE, Podgorica, učešće 0,96 odsto.

Pored pola miliona eura koje će Asfalt-beton gradnja zaraditi u ovom poslu, oni su neposredno prije nove godine sa Božovićem zaključili ugovor o održavanju gradske infrastrukture, koji je vrijedan 389.871 eura. Asfalt-beton gradnja je i tokom prošle godine održavala gradsku infrastrukturu za istu svotu, a potpisan je i ugovor o sanaciji postojećih saobraćajnica, vrijedan preko 400 hiljada eura.

U gorepomenutom kapitalnom poslu od četiri i po miliona eura, čiji je nosilac Carat, učešće Asfalt-beton gradnje je 21,65 odsto.

Saradnja sa ovom firmom nastavljena je i ove godine - 21. februara potpisan je ugovor o radovima na komunalnom opremanju zemljišta, za 35.829 eura.

NASTAVAK CAREVIĆEVE PRAKSE

Potpisivanjem pet ugovora u kojima je uključena Asfalt-beton gradnja, a koji su vrijedni preko dva miliona eura, Božović je nastavio praksu svoga prethodnika Marka Carevića, takođe kadra Demokratskog fronta.

MANS je u maju 2020. podnio Specijalnom državnom tužilaštvu krivičnu prijavu protiv Carevića okrivljujući ga što je asfaltiranje saobraćajnica dodjeljivao firmi Asfalt-beton gradnja, kako bi njegova firma Carinvest, kao podizvođač, obavljala milionski posao. Iz MANS- su tada tvrdili da je Carević sa kompanijom Asfalt-beton gradnja zaključio 11 ugovora, ukupne vrijednosti od skoro dva miliona eura. U oktobru 2020. SDT na čijem je čelu bio Milivoje Katnić odbacilo je ovu krivičnu prijavu.

Od brojnih ugovora koje je Božović potpisao po visini iznosa ugovora, od preko tri miliona eura, izdavaju se i one koje su sklopljene sa firmom Inženjer Gogić iz Podgorice. Sredinom januara ove godine sa ovom firmom Božović potpisuje ugovor o izvođenju radova na izgradnji donje ploče kanala ispod mostovske konstrukcije u Bečićima i povezivanje sa postojećim kanalom, cijena 47.632 eura.

U februaru prošle godine sa firmom Inženjer Gogić, Božović je potpisao tri ugovora: za izgradnju ulice sa kompletnom infrastrukturom uz potok Slatava u Buljarici - 1.638.757 eura, radove na regulaciji Bečićkog potoka - partija 1: 1.075.555 eura, partija 2: 470.760 eura.

Ugovore je sa Božovićem potpisala Zerina Idrizović izvršna direktorka preduzeća čiji je osnivač i vlasnik Miljan Gogić. U CRPS registru se navodi da Gogić ima udio od 90 odsto, dok 10 odsto pripada Društvu za trgovinu i usluge, export-import Koti group, Tuzi. Osnivač, izvršni direktor i ovlašćeni zastupnik ovog preduzeća čija je djelatnost - nespecijalizovana trgovina na veliko je Veljko Lakočević.

Lakočević je bio većinski vlasnik Inženjera Gogić do marta 2021. Godinu ranije on je, preko ove firme, kupio ogromnu staklenu zgradu u centru Podgorice, preko puta Njegoševog parka.

MANS je u decembru 2021. objavio istraživanje po kojem je Uprava za imovinu, umjesto da zbog nepravilnosti prekine tender za navedenu zgradu, zaključila ugovor sa kompanijom Koti nekretnine na iznos od oko 8,7 miliona eura.

U vrijeme sporne transakcije vlasnik kompanije Koti nekretnine bila je kompanija Inženjer Gogić. Lakočeviću je, u septembru 2019, svoj udio u toj kompaniji prenio Vladan Ivanović, i to bez naknade.

Vladan Ivanović je i vlasnik kompanije Master Inženjering, a bio je i u vlasničkoj strukturi firme Novi Volvox njegovog brata od strica Milana Ivanovića. Ivanovići su biznismeni navodno bliski porodici Đukanović.

Duško Knežević je nakon afere o ničijoj kući na Gorici, izjavio:

"Cijela Crna Gora zna da je to Đukanovićeva kuća, iako se vodi na njegovog prijatelja Vladana Ivanovića".

Prema Planu javnih nabavki Opštine Budva, od 31.1.2023, njihova ukupna vrijednost te godine trebala je da bude 26 miliona eura. Prema dostupnim ugovorima, plan nije ostvaren - potpisani su ugovori za radove, usluge i nabavke oko 15 miliona eura.

Plan javnih nabavki za ovu godinu je preko 19 miliona eura, dakle ostalo je još 17 milona.

Nakon što je Božović uhapšen strahovalo se da se neće moći realizovati ni jedan postupak javne nabavke, kao ni ostali pravni poslovi. Dodatni problem je bio to što Božović prije hapšenja nije imenovao potpredsjednike Opštine. Tražila se Božovićeva ostavka da bi Opština mogla nesmetano da funkcioniše. Pravne dileme je riješio Viši sud u Podgorici koji je odobrio Božoviću da u zatvoru potpisuje sva pravna akta.

I dok pravni i drugi haos u Opštini Budva traje, iz Ministarstva javne uprave su napokon najavili da su krenuli u preispitivanje zakonitosti rada pritvorenog predsjednika Božovića.